Plato's_Apology_and_Crito_(IA_platosapologycri00plat).pdf

I LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, I S]ielf_.....[l.aT UNITED STATES OF AMEEIOA.

; PLATO'S APOLOGY AND ORITO WITH NOTES BY W. S. TYLEE WILLISTON PBOFESSOR OF GREEK IN AMUEKST COLLEGE WITH THE ASSISTANCE OP H. M. TYLER PBOFES80B OF GEEEK IN SMITH COLLEGE Nae e^o baud paullo hunc animum malim, quam eorum omnium fortunas, qui de hoe judicaverunt. Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 42 REVISED EDITION NEW YORK D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 1887

<,4 Copyright, 1859, 1887, D. APPLETON AND COMPANY.

TO PROFESSOK FELTON, OF HAEVAKD tJNIVEKSITY, THIS EDITION OF THE APOLOGY AND OKITO Is J^kakir, . OF PEES0Nj4 AND AS A TOKEN OF HIGH EEGAED FOR mS DISTINGUISHED SEEVIGES TO CLASSICAL SCHOLAESHIP, AND HIS PHIL-HELLENIC SPIRIT.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION, The " Grseca Majora," which was all the Greek read in college by many successive generations of American students, contained Plato's Crito and the narrative part of the Phsedo ; and, among all the extracts in that admirable collection, none are cher- ished in fresher remembrance or with a more rever- ential love than these inimitable productions of the great spiritual philosopher of ancient Greece. The simple beauty of the style and the almost inspired truth and grandeur of the sentiments have graven these immortal compositions, as with the point of a diamond, on thousands of hearts, and entitle them to the high place which they have held among the select educational instruments of former generations. Many a scholar saw with regret Plato dropped for a time entirely out of the academic course, and accessible to American students only in the obso- lete Grseca Majora, or in the imported editions of

6 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. foreign scholars. And, tliougli their favorite classic author is now brought again within the reach of American students, and restored in some measure to his proper place in college education, in Presi- dent Woolsej's scholarly edition of the Gorgias, and Professor Lewis' profound Annotations on por- tions of the Laws, still many an older and many a younger scholar cannot but sigh to see the simpler and more Socratic Dialogues of Plato superseded^ even by the more finished dramatic imitations of his middle life, or the more profound moral and political speculations of his riper years. It is to _jiieet expressed regrets and felt wants of this kind that the present edition of the Apology and Crito is given to the public. While these pieces breathe in every part the moral purity, the poetic beauty, and the almost prophetic sublimity, which pervade all Plato's wi'it- ings, and which have won for him the epithet " divine^ they exhibit Socrates more adequately than he appears in any of the works of Xenophon, more truly and purely, just as he was, than he is seen in any of the other writings of Plato. They are therefore the connecting link between the two beloved disciples, and the clue to the interpretation of both. The Apology, especially, written shortly after the death of the Moral Philosopher, and under the full inspiration of his last words and last hours,

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 7 gives us tlie very soul of Socrates speaking, as it were, with the very lips of Plato. Mr. Grote has seen this and, with characteristic wisdom, has made the Apology the corner-stone of his admirable chap- ter on Socrates. How superior to the cold and barren defence which bears the name of Xenophon on the one hand, and on the other, how free from the unpractical and impracticable speculations \vhich Plato has interwoven in some of his later dialogues ! It is doubtless a faithful representation of the de- fence, or rather justification, we might almost say, glorification, of his own life, character, and mis- sion, which Socrates actually pronounced before his judges. At the same time, perliaps, it may be re- garded as an exemplification of Plato's beau ideal of the true Orator, whose aim and ofiice it is, not to save the life of the accused by whatever means of falsehood, bribery, and seduction he can invent, but to set forth the claims of truth and justice in all their native right to command universal obedience. In this view the Apology may, perhaps, be con- sidered as the counterpart of the exposure of rhet- oric falsely so called in the Gorgias, and so take its place among the consecutive labors of Plato to realize the idea of all the arts and sciences ; though it must be confessed that the want of the intro- duction and the dialectic structure, which are so characteristic of the scientific dialogues, seems rather

8 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. (not to set it aside, as Ast would set it aside, as un- Platonic, for it has all the palpable and marked peculiarities of Plato's style), but to set it apart to the more specific and no less sacred purpose of a defence bj a gifted and beloved disciple of his honored and revered master. The exordium opens, if we may be allowed to go before the reader with a brief analysis of the piece, with an expression of the astonishment of Socrates at the misrepresentations of his accusers, who have represented nothing as it is, and a decla- ration of his purpose to speak the plain and simple 'tnith, in the same plain and simple language which he has been accustomed to use in his every day conversations ; and as this is his whole office as an orator speaking in his own defence, so it is their sole duty, as judges, to consider whether or not he speaks the truth. (17, 18, a.) This exordium, if it does not set forth Plato's ideal of true oratory, in contrast with the studied and false rhetoric of the forum and the schools, yet no doubt exhibits the author's idea of the style and manner in which Socrates actually defended himself when on trial for his life. Accordingly, we shall find the Socrates of the Apology excluding all artificial rhetoric, all appeals to prejudice or passion, and declaring the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, with the simplicity and directness, the frankness

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 9 and fearlessness of a philosopher who values truth and justice far more than life.'^ After this brief and plain exordium, Socrates asks leave to reply first to his first accusers, those less formal but more powerful and formidable ac- cusers, to wit, who had been insinuating their slan- ders into the public mind during his life, and w^lio had all the advantage of numbers and time, of a tribunal numerous and credulous, and of not being confronted with the accused; naj, of being per- sonally unknown, except some one of them might chance to be a comic poet (18, b. c), alluding espe- cially to Aristophanes, whose name is mentioned further on, and his comedy of The Clouds distinctly pointed out. (19, c.) The charges thus informally brought against him were, that, "with a wicked and mischievous curiosity, he inquired into things in heaven above and things under the earth ; that he made the worse appear the better reason ; and that he taught others to do the same ; in short, that he was a natural philosopher and a sophist." (19, B. cf. 18, B.) Socrates utterly denies the truth of these charges ; declares his entire ignorance of nat- ural philosophy as then taught, as well as of the sophist's art; offers to present witnesses in proof * Cf. Yalcr. Max. VI., 4 : Maluitque Socrates extingui, quara Lysias superesse—in allusion to the Oration wliich Lysias prepared for the use of Socrates, but which Socrates refused to deliver.

10 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. that ho tanglit no sucli things to his disciples, and calls upon all present to testify against him, if they had ever heard from him any conversation, great or small, on such subjects. (19, c. d.) Moreover, he did not profess to be a teacher, like Gorgias the Leontine, Prodicus the Cean, Hippias the Elean, and Evenus the Parian, who drew away the young from the society of the wisest and best citizens (which they might enjoy gratuitously), to receive their instructions at a great price. He congratu- lated the possessors of such wisdom and power, and would doubtless be very proud if he possessed it himself. But truth obliges hhn to confess, that he has no part nor lot, great or small, in such knowl- edge. (19, E. ; 20 c.) The modesty and irony which mark this passage, the short dialogue, into which he runs unconsciously, and which is given in the form and the words of the original conversation, and the unfavorable view which he takes of the vague and unprofitable speculations of the physical philoso- phers who preceded him, are all highly character- istic of Socrates, as he appears in the Memorabilia of Xenophon. (Cf. Mem. I., 1, 11, seqq. ; I., 2, 3, seqq. et passim.) '' But what then is your business or profession ? "What have you said or done to raise all this hue and cry about you ? " In answer to this question, Socrates admits that he bore the name of philoso-

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. H pher, or wise man. But lie pretended to merely human wisdom, such as man may properly aspire to, and such as pertains to the proper regulation of human life. (20, d. e.) This wisdom he did in- deed possess. And in proof that he did, he would refer them to no less authority than the God at Delphi. (21, a.) He never supposed himself to be wise in any sense, till, in response to a question of his friend and the friend of the people (Chserephon), the Delphic Oracle declared, that there was none wiser than he. Not daring to discredit the Oracle, he then set himself to discover in what possible sense, if indeed in any sense, he was wiser than others. (21, b. c.) Accordingly he visited succes- sively various classes of men in high repute for wisdom — politicians, poets, orators, philosophers, artisans, &c. ; and he discovered to his surprise, that while they really understood pretty well their respective departments, they fancied they under- stood every thing else (22, d.), though, in fact, with a partial exception in favor of the artisans, they did not understand the fundamental principles even of their own profession. (22, c.) And they all, with- out exception, thought they knew a great deal more than they did know, while he was conscious that he knew almost nothing. (21, d.) And when he came to inquire whether he would choose to be as he was, or to have their wisdom with their want of self-

12 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. knowledge, he was constrained to answer, that lie would rather be as he was, and so to assent to the truth of the Oracle (22, e.) ; though he modestly adds, that the chief intent of the Oracle was doubt- less to teach this general truth, that he was the wisest of men, who preferred that kind of wisdom which Socrates cultivated, viz., the moral and practical, and who, Wke Socrates, was conscious of the poverty of his acquirements in knowledge, and the com- parative worthlessness of all the wisdom of men. (23, A. B.) In the course of the investigation which he thus prosecuted, he offended all whom he visited, by showing them that tliey knew far less than they supposed. At the same time, his pupils (or rather his young friends and followers, for, as in Xeno- phon, so in Plato, Socrates never speaks of his dis- ciples) delighted themselves in exposing, after his example, the ignorance of the many pretenders to superior knowledge. (23, c.) And they were angry, not with themselves, but with the innocent occasion of their humiliation. Accordingly they began to call him a most impious fellow, a corrupter of youth, and the like. When asked how; what he did ; what he taught ; having nothing else to say, they took up and turned against him the prejudice and calumny which the multitude were so ready to entertain against philosophers in general. (23, d.)

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 13 They confounded him with the very naturalists and sophists whom he had ever labored to confute, and thus sought to concentrate upon him the suspicion and indignation which they had incurred. So much for the informal charges. And these prepared the way for the formal indictment for corrupting the youth and endeavoring to subvert the religion of his country. Of his three accusers, Socrates informs the judges that Meletus was angry with him for exposing, as above described, the poets, Anytus for the artisans and politicians, and Lycon for the orators. (23, e.) They w^re all ac- tuated by selfish and revengeful feelings. Anytus, it should be added, was a rich leather-seller, and a man of influence in the democracy; and when Socrates, seeing signs of intellectual capacity in his son, endeavored to dissuade the father from bring- ing up his son to his own trade, Anytus was per- sonally offended (Apol. Xen. 29), and was able easily to turn the passions of the populace against the reputed master of the tyrant Critias and the now hated Alcibiades. (Cf. Xen. Mem. I., 2, 12.) In defence of himself against the charge of cor- rupting the youth, Socrates enters into a very char- acteristic dialogue with Meletus, asking, who it is that corrupts the youth, and who makes them wiser and better ; whether the judges, senators, and mem- bers of the Assembly also corrupt them, or whether

14 PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. lie is their only cornipter, and whether it is likely to be the single individual that corrupts, and the multitude that instruct and reform, or quite the contrary, just as it is in the training of horses and the lower animals ; and if he is such a corrupter of the young, whether he does it voluntarily or in- voluntarily, of which alternatives the former is quite incredible, since he must know that he could not corrupt them without injuring himself, and in the latter alternative, he ought not to be impeached and punished, but to be instructed and made wiser. (2i, B. ; 26, A.) The conclusion of this very Socratic piece of extemporized dialectics is, that Socrates, if not too wise and good to corrupt the youth, must be too ignorant to deserve punishment for it ; and that Meletus, with all his assumed superiority in wisdom and virtue, neither knows nor cares how young men can be made either better or Avorsc. The argument, by which Socrates exculpates him- self, will probably strike most modern readers as more subtle than conclusive in its reasoning, and somewhat dangerous withal in its practical tendency, since, carried out to its legitimate result, it would seem to prove that all crimes must be involuntary, and all criminals proper objects of commiseration and instruction, rather than of punishment. And we see not how the objection can be answered. It lies, however, not only against the argument here.

PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 15 but against the doctrine of Socrates, which, every- where, in Xenophon and Plato alike, resolves all the virtues into knowledge, and, by consequence, all the vices into sins of ignorance. Taking up the other point in the indictment, Socrates now asks, whether his accuser means to charge him only with denying the gods of the state, or with downright atheism ; and on being distinctly charged with the latter, he shows that this is ut- terly inconsistent with the language of the indict- ment itself, which charges him with recognizing and teaching "other divine things," and if there are " divine things," then surely there must be divi- nities. Just as he who speaks of human affairs, must needs recognize the existence of human beings, so in teaching ,he must needs recognize ; and if , then, according to the prevailing Greek idea, either gods or sons of gods ; and if sons of gods, then of course gods. (26, b. ; 27, E.) Having thus disposed of his principal accuser, Socrates boldly tells the Athenians, that he has to fear, not the indictment of Meletus, but the envy and jealousy of the multitude, which have destroyed many other good men, and will probably destroy him. "Why then persist in a course of conduct which you expect will occasion your death ? " " Be- cause," such is the substance of the answer, "the

16 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. great question for a man to ask is not whether life or death will be the result of his conduct, but whether he is doing right or wrong, and acting the part of a good or bad man; as the heroes of the Trojan war, and all true heroes, have ever despised danger and death in the path of duty and glory." (28, B. c. D.) " I should behave strangely," he con- tinues, " if when your commanders, Athenians, stationed me at Potidsea, at Amphipolis, and at Delium, I kept my post at the peril of my life, but when the God sets me down in Athens to spend my life in the pursuit of philosophy and in the ex- amination of myself and others, then I should leave my post through fear of death. In that case, I might well and truly be charged with not believing in the gods, since I disobeyed the Oracle and feared death, and thought myself wise when I was not. For to fear death is to think one's self wise, wlien he is not ; for it is to think one knows what he does not know. !NOne know death. They do not knoV but it is the greatest good ; yet they fear it, as if they knew it was the greatest of evils. I will never flee from what may be the greatest good, viz., death, into such base and criminal acts as must be the greatest evils." (28, e. ; 29, A. b.) " If you were to assure me of my acquittal in case I would pledge myself to abandon this philoso- phizing and questioning manner of life, my reply

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 17 would be, I respect and love you, but I will obey the God rather than you. While I live and breathe, I will never cease to proclaim the superiority of wisdom and virtue and the well-being of the soul, to riches and honor and the welfare of the body, to young and old, to citizens and foreigners, but espe- cially to you, my fellow-citizens, as you are most nearly related to me, and because it especially be- comes the honored name of Athenians. For this is the divine command, and this is for your highest interest. (29, c. ; 30, c.) And if you put me to death, be assured you will not injure me so much as yourselves. Me none of my accusers could injure in the least ; for I do not think it lawful, or possi- ble, in the nature of things, for a better man to be injured by a worse man. I am therefore now de- fending, not so much myself as you ; that you may not put me to death and so reject the gift of God to you, for you will not soon find another such. (30, D. E.) That I am the gift of God to the city, you will see from this. Does it seem merely hu- man that I have neglected my own affairs so many years and attended to your interests, persuading you Hke a father or an elder brother, to cultivate virtue ? And all this without any pecuniary com- pensation ; for, among all their false accusations, they have not dared to accuse me of receiving pay for my instruction; and if they had, my poverty

18 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. would liave been a sufficient witness against tliem." (30, E. ; 31, c.) If any were disposed to ask wliy he went about and persuaded tbem privately and personally, in- stead of coming before the people and counselling them as a body, he had been kept back from the latter course by a certain divine monitor* which had attended him from his childhood—a sort of voice which always deterred him from doing what he should not do, and which had usually forbidden his participation in public affairs. And well it might, for, if he had undertaken to act his part in public, he would have been put to death long ago, and that without having rendered any real service to them or to himself ; for no man could be safe in publicly opposing the inclinations of the Athenian or any other popular assembly, and forbidding them to do wrong. (31.) In proof of this, he adverts to the imminent peril to which he was exposed in the only instance in which he had held an office, when, as senator and presiding officer in the popular as- sembly, he resisted the will of the demus^ and de- fended the lives of the ten generals when they were intent on putting them to death by one sweep- ing and extra-judicial decree. (32, a. b.) He had also incurred a similar peril, and exhibited the * Touching the nature of this divine voice and monitor, see the discussion in the notes.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 19 same disregard for danger and death, in refus- ing to obey an unrigliteous command of the oli- gareliy, when they possessed the government. (32, c. D.) These were well-known facts, which might be proved by any number of witnesses. And such facts showed that he, or any one else who would contend strenuously for the right, must do it pri- vately rather than politically, if he would preserve his Hfe even for a short period. They proved also that his influence over the young, by precept and especially by example, so far from corrupting, w^as suited to inspire them with an inflexible regard for justice. And if further proof was required, since his accusers had failed to bring forward the proper witnesses at the proper time, he would gladly yield the stand and let them bring forward now the fathers and elder brothers of the very young men who had been his most constant hearers and com- panions ; for, though the young men themselves might have some reason for withholding the truth, if he had corrupted them, certainly their fathers and elder brothers could have no such motive, and the judges ought to be put in possession of their testimony. (33, d. ; 34, b.) Having thus finished his defence, Socrates pro- ceeds to excuse himself from any attempt to enlist the sympathies and excite the compassion of the

20 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. judges in his belialf. This practice had indeed become very common in the courts of justice—so common, that it might seem strange and even ar- rogant for him not to do likewise. He had a wife and children, and friends whom he tenderly loved, and whose grief at his death would doubtless be very great. But such weakness, worthy only of women, was especially unworthy of Athenian men ; and if seen in their great men, particularly in one who, like himself, was reputed, whether justly or unjustly, to be a man of extraordinary virtue, it was not only dishonorable to him, but it would reflect dishonor on the whole people. (35, a. b. c.) Be- sides, it was doing a great wrong to the judges, who needed not entreaties, but instruction and per- suasion, and whose duty it was, not to sacrifice justice to personal feelings and interests, but simply to execute the laws. And not only justice but piety forbade the offering of any inducements to them to violate their oath of office ; and if he should hold out any such inducements, he would thereby teach them that there were no gods, and so convict him- self of atheism in the very act of defending himself against the charge. They must therefore excuse him from resorting to such methods of securing his acquittal, which he could not but regard as at once dishonorable, unholy, and unjust. (35, d.)

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 21 With these noble sentiments, asking no favor of his judges, he submits himself to their sense of justice. They condemn him by a small majority of votes. Eesuming his address, he declares that he is neither grieved nor surprised by the result. He is only surprised by the smallness of the ma- jority by which he vas condemned. (36, a.) Pro- nounced guilty by his judges, the next question was, vhat should be the penalty. His accusers said, Death. In naming a counter-proposition, as the laws allowed him to do, if he looked simply at the justice and fitness of the thing, he should pro- pose that he be supported in the Prytaneum (State- House) at the public expense, that he might devote himself without interruption to the instruction of the people. This was a suitable return for his dis- interested devotion to their highest good in time past, and this would be for their highest welfare in time to come. If this honor was justly conferred on the victor at the Olympic Games, who did not need it and who ministered only to their seeming happiness, much more was it due to him, who needed it, and who had spent his life in promoting their real good. (36, b. c. d.) And with longer time, he might perhaps be able to persuade them of his innocence. (37, a.) He deserved only good at their hands. If he should suffer death, that would perhaps prove a good. Why then should he

22 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITIOX. propose an alternative penalty, wliicL• would be a certain evil? Should lie propose imprisonment? Tliat were to subject himself to the power and caprice of the Eleven, whoever they might chance to be. (37, B. c.) Exile ? His countrymen could not endure his instruction and reproof, much less wonld strangers. (37, d.) And for him to keep silence, though they would not beheve it, were to disobey the God, and for that reason it were quite impossible. (37, e.) To live without examining himself and others were no life to him—were a life not worthy to be lived by any human being. (38, A.) Should he then propose a line ? If he had property he would part with it cheerfully, for loss of property was no evil. But he had not property enough. If indeed a niina (about $17) would suf- fice, perhaps he could pay a mina. He would therefore propose a fine of one mina. And since his friends, Plato, Crito, Critobulus, and ApoUodorus bade him propose thirty minse, he would adjudge himself to pay a fine of thirty minss, and give these friends as his security. (38, b.) This high-toned vindication of his character and deserts, together with his virtual refusal to name any alternative punishment, sealed his death. He doubtless expected it would, and intended it should. The last chapter of Xenophon's Memorabilia is de-

PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. 23 voted to a statement of tlie reasons, and those for the most part assigned in a conversation by Socrates himself, why it was better, in his own view—better for his happiness and usefulness as well as for his fame—that he should die now, rather than live to a more advanced age. With this deliberate prefer- ence, and in full view of the consequences, he made his defence so as almost to necessitate the desired result. By an increased majority he was now con- demned to death. And, in resuming the thread of his discourse, he tells those who condemned him that he did not regret the result—that death would have come soon in the course of nature, and he would much rather die uttering such a defence, than live by such ignoble means as many use. (38, c. D. E.) It is not difficult to escape death—he could readily have escaped it ^—^but the difficulty is to escape sin, which is a swifter runner than even death, and has already overtaken his accusers, younger and swifter though they be than himself. (39, A. B.) And, as men are sometimes inspired with something like prophetic vision in their last hours, he warns his judges, who voted for his con- demnation, that speedy vengeance will overtake them in the reproofs of their own conscience and of the numerous friends of virtue who would come * Of. Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4 : ^«jSicus tiu ?, ...

24 PREFACE TO FIUST EDITION. after him ; and the only escape was not by cntting off their reprovers, bat by reforming their own character and life. (39, c. d.) Then turning to the judges who had voted for his acquittal, and who alone deserved the sacred name of judges, he labors to console them touching the issue, which they so much deplore, by giving them the true interpretation of it. (39, e.) He could not but argue that it was meant for good. For the prophetic voice—the voice of the divinity —which had often and always warned him here- tofore when he was going to do wrong even in the smallest matters, now when life was at stake, and he was exposed to what are commonly regarded as the extremest of evils, had given him no warning in the whole course of his trial. Hence he inferred that death was not, as it was commonly supposed to be, an evil, but a good. (40, a. b.) The presumption thus suggested by the divine Providence towards himself might be justified and confirmed by the following considerations : Death is either annihilation, or, which is essentially the same thing, a state of entire unconsciousness ; or else it is a departure of the soul from this world to another. On the former supposition, death would be a wonderful gain ; for how few of our days and nights are so happy as the hours we pass in sound sleep, undisturbed by so much as a dream ; and in

PREFACE TO TUE FIRST EDITION. 25 that case, all time would seem no more than one sucli dreamless night. (40, c. d. e.) But if, on the other hand, death is a departure from this world to another, where dwell all the dead, what greater good could there be than this ? There, freed from the power of judges falsely so called, he would find judges that deserved the name, such as Minos and Khadaman thus; there he would associate with Orpheus, Musseus, Hesiod, and Homer ; there he should meet with Palamedes, Ajax, and all who in past ages had fallen victims to perverted justice ; and, what was better than all the rest, there he should examine and put to the test Agamemnon, Ulysses, and a multitude of other men and other women, as he examined men here, to see if they were truly wise, or only supposed themselves to be so ; and this would be immense happiness : nor would he be put to death there for the exercise of this prerogative, since, besides their superior blessed- ness in other respects, the dwellers in that vorld are immortal. (41, a. b. c.) In conclusion, he as- sures his judges once more that no evil can befall a good man in life or death, since the gods take care of his interests, and these events have not be- fallen him by chance, but have been ordered by a wise and kind Providence ; tells them that he har- bors no resentment against them, since, though they meant it for evil, they had done him good ; entreats

26 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. tliem to take vengeance on his sons, by inflicting on tliem the same pains he had inflicted on his pleas- ure-loving countrymen, if they are ever seen caring more for riches or any thing else than for virtue, or thinking more highly of themselves than they ought to think, for this, and this only, will be a just recompense for what he has done for the Athenian people ; and then he takes leave of them, saying, ISTow it is time that we depart—I to die, you to live ; and which of us is going to the better destiny is known only to the Deity. Such, in substance, is the Defence of Socrates. So far from believing that we are indebted to the imagination of Plato for the lofty character of Socrates, as he appears in this Apology, we cannot bat feel that we owe the elevation and eloquence of the Apology to the real greatness and heroism of its subject. The form and the words may be Plato's ; but the substance and the spirit must be Socrates' ; and we need only to have heard it from his lips to perfect the moral sublime. Profane literature has nowhere furnished a better delinea- tion of the spiritual hero, rising superior to the fear and the favor of man in the strength of his own conscious integrity and of a serene trust in God. Faith in God, which had been the controlling prin- ciple of his life, was the power that sustained him

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 27 in view of approaching death, inspired him with more than human fortitude in his last days, and in- vested his dying words with a moral grandeur that "has less of earth in it than heaven." The con- sciousness of a divine mission was the leading trait in his character and the main secret of his power.* This directed his conversations, shaped his philoso- phy, imbued his very person, and controlled his life. This determined the time and manner of his death. And this abiding conviction, this " ruling passion strong in death," is the very life and breath and all-pervading atmosphere of the Apology. jNOr is the religious element less pervading and controlling in the Crito, though there social duty and political principle are also made prominent. This piece presents Socrates to us in prison await- ing the execution of his unjust sentence. There Crito—the friend and benefactor of his youth, the companion of his middle-life, and the stay and staS of his advanced years—calls upon him at break of day, and, finding him in sound sleep, sits down by his side in silent admiration of his calmness on the very eve of death. Socrates awakes, and a dialogue ensues, beginning in the natural and easy manner so characteristic of Plato, leading on easily to the * Cf. Grotc, Hist, of Greece, Part II., chap. Ixviii.

28 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. discussion of the topic which lies nearest Crito's heart, viz., the release of his friend, and ending, like the Apology, in a strain of rapt and inspired eloquence, before which Crito himself stands con- vinced, silenced, and overawed, as in the presence of some superior being. After inquiring the hour, how Crito gained ad- mission so early, and why he had not awaked him sooner, which leads him to remark upon the absur- dity of shrinking from death, especially at his ad- vanced age, Socrates asks the errand of his friend at that early hour. Crito replies, that the sacred ship (during \vhose voyage no one could be put to death at Athens) was drawing near on its return from Delos—that it would probably arrive that day, and on the day following, Socrates must die. (43, A. B. c. D.) Socrates expresses his readiness to die whenever it pleases the gods, but adds his belief that the ship would not arrive till the next day, and his execution would take place on the third day, assigning as the reason for that opinion a dream and vision, which he had just seen in sleep, and which it was well that Crito had not disturbed. A beautiful woman, dressed in white, had appeared to him, calling him and repeating the words of Homer touching the return of Achilles to his na- tive land: "On the third day, Socrates, you will arrive at the fertile Phthia," which he interpreted

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 29 as a divine intimation, and therefore infallible proof, that on the third day he would reach his home in a better world. (44, a. b.) Beautiful fiction, if the dream was the offspring of Plato's imagination ! More beautiful fact, if the dream was real ! And we know not why we should doubt it. What more natural than that, such a notorious dreamer, so familiar with all the poetry of his country, especially that of Homer, and meditating of his speedy departure with lively and joyful imaginings by day, should dream of it under so poetical and attractive a form by night! Crito now proceeds to press him with various and urgent motives—justice to himself, duty to his wife and children, regard to the affection and repu- tation of his friends, and the like—to bribe his keepers, forfeit his bail, and make his escape, de- claring that it can be done at a very small expense, and he and the other friends would gladly meet any losses or dangers which might befall them in such a course, rather than lose such a friend, and, moreover, incur the disgrace with the multitude of sacrificing him to the love of money. (44, ; 46.) " But why, my dear Crito, why should we so much regard the opinion of the multitude ? For the best men, whose opinion is most worthy of considera- tion, will helieve that these things are, as they are in reality^ and that not you, but myself, am re-

30 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. sponsible for mj death." " J^evertheless, joii see, Socrates, that it is necessary to pay attention to the opinion of the multitude, for the present circum- stances show that the multitude can effect, not the smallest of evils only, but nearly the gi'eatest, if one is calumniated among them." " I could wish, Crito, the multitude were able to effect the greatest evils, that they might also accomplish the greatest good ; for then it would be well. But now they can do neither of these. For they can neither make a man wise nor unwise." The same simple but sublime sentiment with which we have become familiar in the Apology : Character is the only thing pertaining to man that is of any account; and this his bitterest enemies cannot touch. "But they do jnst what they happen to do." (4-i, d.) That is, the conduct of the multitude, instead of being regulated by intelligent pi-inciple, is gov- erned by blind chance ; and such labors, however strenuous, are always fruitless. Accordingly, next to his great moral and religious mission, it was the perpetual study of Socrates' life to bring his coun- trymen, especially the young men of Athens, to a right understanding of themselves, their duties, and their pursuits, and thereby to an intelligent dis- charge of all the functions of proper manhood in the light of established rules and fixed principles. The opinions of the multitude, he goes on to

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITIOii. 31 argue, are sometimes right and sometimes wrong; while the standard of rectitude is unchangeable and eternal. Our duty depends, not on the opinions of the multitude, nor does it change with the change of our circumstances and interests. It has nothing to do with the consequences of our actions. Im- prisonment, exile, death itself—these are bugbears to frighten children with, but they will not deter the true man from the performance of his duty, or swerve him in the least from adherence to prin- ciple. As to his escape from the prison without the consent of the rulers of the state, the great question, and the only question he can entertain is, whether it is right, since right reason is the only friend to whose solicitation he ever allowed him- self to yield. The alacrity of his friends was very commendable, if rightly directed, but if not, the greater it was, by so much it was the more blame- worthy. Against the dictates of reason and con- science, he could not be influenced in the least by a regard to the reputation of his friends or his own life. (46, B. ; 47, a.) A discussion ensues, in which Socrates proves to tbe conviction of Crito himself, that, in such a question, regard must be had, not to the opinions of the ignorant multitude, but of the truly wise, just as, in gymnastic exercises, the gymnast gives heed to the approbation or censure only of the

32 FKEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. physician or the master of the gymnasium (47, b. c. D.), that by acting unwisely and unjustly the soul is corrupted and destroyed, which is a far greater evil than the disease or destruction of the body (47, e. ; 48, b.) ; that it is not right to in- jure or retaliate an injury in any case, least of all against one's country (49, A. seqq.) ; that the well- being of our country depends on the sacredness of the laws and the obedience of the citizens (50, b.), and our country should be obeyed and reverenced as a more sacred thing than father, or mother, or the dearest friends (51, a. b.) ; that a citizen by no means stands on an equal footing with his country, so as to have a right to treat her as she treats him, or to pronounce judgment on her acts as she does on his (50, e.) ; that every citizen who remains in a free country, vhich allows the inhabitants full hberty to emigrate when and where they please (especially if, like Socrates, he has remained during a long life, and never gone abroad at all, and never complained of the laws), has virtually assented to the justice of the laws, and has entered into a tacit compact to obey them, as interpreted and executed by their appointed guardians, unless he can per- suade them to alter their decisions (52, a. ; 53, a.) ; and that by escaping the penalty imposed upon him by the laws, he would convict himself of being a law-breaker, arid make himself an object of sus-

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 33 picion as an enemy of law and justice, wherever lie might go on earth, and even in Hades (53, b. ; 54, B.). As the discussion proceeds, the laws seem to rise in dignity and sacredness, till they are seen embodied in a form more than human and en- throned in unearthly majesty ; and they are heard, in meek yet authoritative tones, expostulating with Socrates on the injustice, folly, and pernicious ten- dency of the course which his friends are recom- mending. Socrates, too, catches the spirit of the laws, becomes instinct, as it w^ere, Avith their life, and, like the Pythian priestess or an inspired cory- bant, deaf to every other voice, can do only as the voice of law (which is the voice of God) commands him : " The voice of these expostulations rings in my ears, and I am nnable to hear other arguments. Be assured, if you urge any thing of a contrary tenor, you will labor in vain. This way God leads ; and in this way let us follow." The Crito, like the Apology and the other dia- logues that were written soon after the death of Socrates, has a twofold object—the one practical and personal, the vindication of Socrates from the charge of impiety, and corrupting the youth—the other ideal and universal, to exhibit the true idea of the good citizen, or the good man in his rela- tion to the state. And, it is not too much to say,

34 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITIOX. it accomplishes both these objects perfectly. It is a triumphant vindication of the character of Socrates, setting his patriotism in the strongest light, and showing that he sacrificed his life to what most men would deem an overscrupulous re- gard for the constituted authorities, even in an unjust and unrighteous exercise of the power in- trusted to them. At the same time, it sets forth a perfect pattern of tlie patriotic and lojal citizen, submitting to an unrighteous sentence (so long as it was according to the form of law, and since it concerned only himself, while no usurped authority of oligarchy or democracy could force him to do wrong to others), and with heroic, nay, religious devotion, laying himself a willing victim before the laws and on the altar of his country. As a work of art, the Crito ranks very high — higher than the Apology; though, we think, the latter is capable of full vindication in this light, and stands on higher ground, simply as a work of art, than is commonly supposed. But the Crito, though the plot is exceedingly simple, and the moral of the dialogue is every where conspicu- ous, is conformed to the most rigid rules of the drama. The unities of time, place and impression, are perfectly preserved. The scene is laid wholly in the prison—perhaps the same cell hewn out of the solid rock, near the Pnyx and the Agora, which

PKEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 35 now bears the name of " Tlie Prison of Socrates." The hour is tlie morn of his anticipated execution, when he is awaked out of sound sleep bj a visit of his most intimate personal friend, who comes, if possible, to persuade him to escape, as he easily may, the execution of his unjust sentence. The characters are of the highest dignity and interest in themselves, and most intimately related to each other —Athens' wisest and best philosopher, and one of her wealthiest and most deserving citizens. The subject of discussion, as stated in the tradi- tionary caption of the dialogue, and in the dialogue itself, is irepl , or, What ought to be Done, involving the whole duty of the citizen to the laws of his country, and, more remotely, the fundamental theory of government and society. On the result hang the life of the philosopher, the reputation and happiness of his numerous friends, and the interests of good order and good govern- ment, not only in Athens, but wherever Athenian influence shall be felt to the end of time. The persons, the principles, the interests involved, all awaken the liveliest sympathy. The affectionate soHcitations, the persuasive arguments, the pathetic appeals, the generous friendship and self-sacrificing devotion of Crito, go to our hearts. While he speaks, we are more than half inclined to think that not the desirable and the expedient only, but

36 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. the true and the right, are on his side. But Soc- rates, forgetting himself, overlooking his family and friends, and looking beyond the mere reputa- tion of Athens, and even the right and wrong of the present case in itself considered, holds us sternly to the consideration of the great principles of law and order w^hich it involves, and compels the as- sent of our reason and conscience, though against all our inclinations, and against the first dictates of our understanding. The conflict enters the breast of the reader. His judgment is perplexed with doubts and difficulties. His heart alternately ho])es and fears the success of either party in the argu- ment. As he feels constrained to assent more and more to the reasoning of Socrates, he wishes he could have decided otherwise. In the felicitous language of Stallbaum : " Etenim generosa Critonis amicitia seque afficiat et commoveat legentium ani- mos necesse est, atque Socratis in virtute, constan- tia et pia adversus leges publlcas reverentia, ut velis idem et cum Socrate noluisse et cum Critone voluisse." And when, at the conclusion, Socrates, transported with veneration for the purity and dig- nity of the law, not of men only but of God also, and rapt with the vision of what awaited him be- yond the grave, rises into something more than human, we sit looking on, by the side of his friend Crito and in the same state of mind, silenced, con-

PKEFACE TO THE FIEST EDITION. 37 vinced against our will, no longer pitying, still less censuring, but admiring, envying, almost worship- ping him, as lie looks upward and longs to take liis flight. The Apology and the Crito bear unequivocal evidence of proceeding from the same author ; and that author, Ast to the contrary notwithstanding, Plato, and Plato under the same hallowing and in- spiring influence, and in the same happy state of mind. The language, the style, the constructions, the idioms, are all Platonic. The sentiments and the spirit are those of Plato under the immediate inspiration of the life and* death of Socrates. They are both dramatic, and this marks them both as of Platonic origin. True, the one is a monologue, and the other is a dialogue. But thus only could he act his proper part in the different circumstances in which he is placed. In the one, he pleads his cause in open court before his judges ; in the other, he argues his case in prison with his friend. But in both, we see him, we hear him, we sit at his feet, we drink in his words, we catch his spirit. In the one, he stands before us the impersonation of the true orator; in the other, the model of the good citizen. But in both, the man rises far above his relations; the spirit overmasters the body and tri- umphs over all its outward circumstances. In both, we feel a spontaneous and irresistible conviction.

38 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. tliat we see and hear the real Socrates uttering essentially his own sentiments, in essentially his own language, in two of the most real and most critical emergencies of his life. But in both we see him dramatized and idealized, at the same time that he is made real and represented as he is, with that inimitable skill and grace, which, together with his high spirituality, are the undisputed prerogatives of the divine Plato. Tlie present edition is, in the main, an exact reprint of Stallbaum's third edition, 1846. The few exceptions are specified in the notes, and the reasons given for the choice of a different reading. The notes of Stallbaum are so felicitous, especially in the illustration of Plato's peculiar idioms and constructions, that any one who has read them bears the results almost unconsciously with him in all his subsequent reading of the same author. Wherever I have consciously borrowed from him, I have given him credit in the notes. I have also had before me the editions of Bekker, Fischer, Forster, Heindorf, Ast, Schleiermacher, Buttmann, Niisslin, Elberling, etc., together with versions in German, French, and English, too numerous to mention ; and have used them whenever they could be of use, though most of them have been of very little service. In conclusion, I can hardly leave a better wish for the student of these pages than

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 39 tliat, with far less labor than they have cost me, he may receive some small portion of the pleasure and profit which 1 have derived from them. He must be more or less than human, who can rise from the study of these immortal works of Plato, without higher ideas of the authority of law, the sacredness of duty, the power of faith, and the dignity of man's rational, moral, and immortal nature.

PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION. This edition has been carefully revised, tlie l^otes have been largely rewritten, the text has been changed, and the whole has been reprinted and stereotyped anew. The text is that of Cron, in his eighth edition, which is the result of a more extended and careful recension of manuscripts, and which not only differs much, in orthographical particulars, from Stallbaum and other early standard texts, but shows greater irregularity than we were formerly wont to expect in Greek orthography, especially in regard to V ,moveable 9, elision, hiatus, and the like details. The work of revision, begun by myself, but by necessity discontinued, has been mostly done by my son, Professor H. M. Tyler, of Smith College, under my own supervision and re- view however, and with valuable assistance from Mr. L. H. Elwell, instructor of Greek in Amherst College, w^ho has made most of the grammatical references, and to whom we are also indebted for

PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION. 41 not a few useful suggestions, the result of many years' use of tlie book in the class-room. The preface of the first edition is retained en- tire, partly because it is largely in the nature of an introduction, which a whole generation of teachers and students have found to be useful, and have assured me that they would not willingly dispense with, and partly as a sort of educational landmark, or historic monument, which incidentally marks and records the progress of classical studies since the time when the " Grseca Majora" contained in a single volume all, and more than all, of the Greek that was read in our colleges and universities. The chief object of the preface or introduction was not to instruct students in the philosophy of Socrates or Plato—^the Apology and Crito are so entirely practical that they do not seem to be a suitable medium of such instruction—but to help them un- derstand the hfe and character of the great moral philosopher, catch the sentiments and style and spirit of the author, and come under the educating and inspiring influence of these sublime produc- tions. The chief end of the Notes, in the first edition and also in the revision, is the same ; they are educational rather than critical or philosophical ; they have respect not so much to the grammar as to the ethics and the politics, not so much to the language as to the literature and the life. At the

42 PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION. same time, it is hoped that the pecuHarities of Plato's language, and the characteristic features of the Socratic philosophy, so far as they are contained or implied in the Apology and Orito, will be found to be sufficiently explained in the Notes. The grammatical references in this edition are chiefly to Goodwin and to Allen's edition of Hadley, occasionally to Jelf, and Goodwin's Moods and Tenses. It is now almost thirty years since the appear- ance of the first edition. Meanwhile the book has gone through many editions, and borne some hnmble part in the education of no one knows how many thousands of noble youth in every sec- tion of our country. Thankful for the privilege of thus contributing to the discipline of young minds, the formation of right characters, and the inculcation of just and lofty sentiments in past years, we send it out again revised, we trust, im- proved, and we hope to meet with no less favor and do a still better work in time to come. W. S. Ttlee. Amherst, January^ 1887,

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APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 67 • Se '^ iyivero, eh ayayeiv i/c %'5 ifceivoL ? iych ' epjqy ^, D , el ^ elirelv^ ,8e aSiKOV ^ ^^. yap )pyaa, ' ,rjyayov ,iyo) , ,15 ] '.XXI. "^^ Bayv-E ,yao ^20 ; ye , ^• yap . '33 , -fa, , 6 ,ypa dXXco 25 ,,yv6v • Be Xyovo -/,

G8 PLATONIS ^ovSevl ,ov3e '^, Be , ' 6< ^ €- , \ eav Ti? . \ ijco ^ 5 ^ , - 8' , otl XejeL. 10 XXII. ; ,C ^' , ^ ' • yap . 15 , , -, , ^ ^ ^\ . el yap 20 , Be , ^ ,^ *Be ] , ^25 ,,]\_\ ]. Be

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. C9 ttoXKol ? ^" ^ ijJLO^ '' ^, ^- ' 6 ',^ • '6 5 , ^? • 6V )} }yeyovaac, 1^ @€8, @€6— 6 @608<; , je -— fcal 68 6 <??9 34 10 ?• 6 ^, ? € ^ \6< -• ,^, ^, \ , ' . ,, < ,^< ,^? '. yap 20 ' X6<yov • ,, ,\6yov ' , ,; 2 XXIII. , '<,' -, - ' )\, ):

70 TLATONIS yv6o ^ re , re -, , - ,, ? -5 . ^ tc9 ^-^, 6^<; 6pyP)<; . el 8 D €')( — yap * el ' , ^' ^ ,' yap ,' ' OL'' ,' ,ical , ", ,, • ' 15 .; ,,' ,' , ,' \ } 20 \6 \ ,• ' BBoyevov »25 2) ) ,• ' ,, , Be

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. ^l , Seivov tl el , ,*Tij , ^ ,' \ , .^, ^, ' ical ,\{) , ,^ '^.. Xft)j0i9 / , ,15 ^, \ . yap , ^,' '' Bofcrj ,20 , • yap €- . , ^ ^,, D 25 ^ '. yap , ,,

72 PLATONIS ? . , Sec re ^, ^, ? ovBeU ',otttj elvau . 5 XXV. ', ^,86 €7 <yyov6L, ,,^^ ^^ , '' . yap oXiyov ,,' , ,, 'o7y . , ? SoKo), 707ya, -ya, y, , 1 5 "' ayopov ,'.XXVI. ' 6 , eUv* iyo) , ^-20 ; ; ; , ^ ^riyov, ,payLv Byopv 25 } yyvopv, 7)yvo ,

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 73 ya, 66<; etpai, evepryeretv ^evepyeaiav^ >^ ya^ ^ -5 ,? -, <; ?, • ; D 10 <6 , ^, ^ TTj • ye ^^oTi , avSpl ^ ' } ; * , ^- 15 , , -, < ^. 6 yap , • , .20/^e , ,37 ,XXVII. " Xeyv -Xyv , • ,25 ^, , ,,' oXlyov yap ^ - Xya • ^ ya, , \

7J: PLATOXIS ,KpLveLV, \\ ?, * ' paStov iv / ^^? /^? . - iyo) ye ^, 5 ^ ,; ^ ,6 ayaOov ; olF ,; ; C , } apxfj, ; ,; eXeyov • yap .y ; yap 15 . ,Xy Xoya, yve Xyo, ' D yr|va , 20 aTraXXayrjvai • Be ; y , ^.6 , yap ' , ,25 ^ ,, - • -

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 75 /, ol ? . Si <^ .."? ' /calE ] ^ ', -^ 6<; eaei 5 ; € . idv 6 yap otc Sea ayeiv^ ? • idv otc &^ 38 10 , €<; Xojov^ ttol- \ ^6 , ' eVt XiyovTU ^15 , , oy paScov. ' ,, yap ',• jap - yap ,20 , ,' pypLo* . , ^, - -,2 ' yyav' ,yyal ' pypo , q

76 TLATOXIS XXIX. y eveKa '^ \\, efere \€, ,dvSpa yap elvuL^ el ,. el oklyov 5 ', iyevETO' yap Ci] ifSuKlav otl ^ 8e -'/^/. \iy "? D ^; , ^^-, ^ Oc ^10 , ^ ^ /', \yv ,, ,\eyeiv ^/ ,\\ ys od. ' ,\oyv, \ \>: -'^ 15 Xeyeiv ^ , oV , tc' XeyovTO<; ,iya) ' /; \ -. ' 20 , ,^ ^/,^oXoyvo<; * yap 39 ^, :5 , yap ^ ^;yyva ' ye vyo ^ ; •

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 77 ev €< .^ KLvhvvoL^ hia^eiryeLv ^eav tl^ irCtv TTOLelv Xiyeiv. fj ^,avSpe^j /^ '5 ' yap ^. iyco € , ' ^are hecvol 6<; 6vTe<; <;^ , ^ ' 6\, ' t?i^ 10 ^ . eyjj € ,,.XXX. /; -C 15 ^ . yap , pf^BJv^ . yap., ,^ *j -20* yap pya -Xy^nv , ^ ,)> tyu) .yov, tyco ^ D ]• ^25 ^ yava. yap ,OTL , .yap ' >) /;

78 PLATOXIS , ],, ' eavrcp earac , -.XXXI. 8 Bui- 5 :\ ^-/ 'pyao, tv uyovai \ . , ,-• yap -oy^jaL• • yap 10 40 . yap, — yap — ytyovv. yap - -16 ',' 8 , 6avToi y^ /; . \^. 20 . ^6yo Xiyoin-a 'e/yy^o 6y . ; 2^ ' yap yaov yyovva. 'C

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 79 TeOifaiwavaL. / uol €) yeyopev yap €' ? ovfc 7] ,el (iyo) ^ .XXXII. ^^Be / ? /) eXiTL^ •5 iartv ayaOov elvaL. yap €6 ecTTL €• yap eluaL he- e'yetv e6vea, Xeyeva <; ^/^€ eoLL^ [] '^^?] evOevSe e:V aWov . \ €€ D \() € ^,^ * <; tTreiSuv Kadeoowv 7]' /Lt?;St"i/ , € 6 , tyco yap , et e\e(evov Bid , // ^€ €IBelv^ ^15 ? ( ^)BeoL €€elirelv, \ €€ tV . > }) ,^^ \ea e e t 20 76 \ , cl 6 tVri, ^• yap ouBlv /^ 6 ^ (fyaiveTai cJvai 7) . el ' *! 6 eveevSe ,\ \7] ^ \':y€va 2 eVet elaiv - €€€, €7 ayaeav - € «/', vSpe ; el yap (evo ei "^ ^a\\aye\ W elvaiy eifp'/acL \7] ^oiirep \ \eyovTat

80 PLATOXIS € ,, re '^ <; 76\€<; iyivov• ev ^ ; ^^^ ^^ eVl ; 5 fyap , ^el • / - , -<; ahiKOV . 79 10 ,? , 8<; . 3 ^, ', , ' . ' , ,CayovTa ,,^ -, < • yap -20 ,, ye Xyva .XXXIII. , ,, 25 D , ya ,pyaa •

APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. 81 yiyovev, 6 ,^ ^. ,5 ay6po '. } } ,' - • . - , , - 10 7)^€9 iyco ,'^, tl ,iyco ,tl ,15 , ' ,^2 . yap ,, • -^pya, .

.TOT 02. 22 . 43 . 2. , ; 6TL ; . . . ; . ". 5 . -.. *< ^ ',, Sea 7\\ Sevpo , tl ^€. 10 2. " Be ; . '" .2. ? ^, ); . , 2,, ' *^ ) ^ ) .\ • ^,

CRiTO. 83 >7?. € iv ,eu ttj ) ? .5 2. yap , ,, -, ? ^; .. aXKoL, ^, -C ? ,* <; - ^Trj ]10 -]. . *^ , ; . W.yysXlav, , ,, ? \ ,' \ <; -, ? 15 vya. . ; ,; D . ,u7ayyXXoLV 20^ . BijXov [ ^^^] , vy , ^, .II. 2. *\ ,) uya6fj. ), ) . ^^ 25 .. : 2. . Trj yap y eXOrj ,

84: PLATOXIS . ye tol 8 .. }6^ \ . € 6 ivvTTVLOV oXiyov -' iv tlvl cyelpaL €. 5 . ^ Se ; Sn. 'E8o/cet ^, ^^ CLTrelv ',, ^.. " , %€. 2. ^,^ ye , .III. . ye, eoiKev. ' ^^ €TL € • , eav ^ €, ,iyoi) 8 ^cTt Be ,€ , € ,el 7], . - C TOL > hoKelv irepl ; yap 20 ]7] evOevhe .^. , ^; yap ,,yova 76-25 -}. D . ' uvuy^ ^,8 . Be

CRiTO. 85 , oil re elaiv ol -^^ '^, eav Ti9 iv ^ y. 2. Et ^yap , , elvac '^/ ^,uyaOa '^/, ^. • yap , ^.. . ' , 10 ^, • ^ ,, 7]<, - ^^, ^^) ^? ; jap ,• 7)• yap 5 /; tVt /. ' .2!. Kat , ,20 7. . '; . yap ' T(ipy6piov ,eayayv .,25 pyo ; • ' , -

86 PLATONIS apiyvpiov ,', 6 ©•. , ,]^ ,? ^'? • 5 jap ] • C )<; ^' , , .V. "Ert , ^, 3 8-'^^ , ', , Sia- .'^/ 8,D ,, , * ? ^^, <yap , 7rai-20 • • , - ,, / ' , 2 ^ ] ',] , 6 /

CRiTO. 87 ^<; iyevero, 3 /^? tlv\ } ^ ,^ ,et 46 6 TC , , <- 69, ^ € . \ , ovhe eTL ^ . • yap Bet ',, el Be 10 TL ^ . ^ ^^,. 2. ,, el ' ^ , 15 , ^. • , ^. ' ^20 , ^ -, ^^^ • C < ,^, ' 25 ,,; el Xoyov

88 PLATONIS ,ov ? TrepX ,iXeyero , <; D ' , < * <; ^, < ? ', 5 ; ' ' -, ,Koivfj , -' 6 ,. ^', ^, ,, . , , '^; yap ,-^, 15 47 ' , , ^,^ ,, S* ; \_ ,, ' ;] {] ; ; . ?. 20 %. ', -; . /. ^. ' ,; 25 . ? ' ; . . ?;, Xiyo ; yvva

CRITO. Si> < ^^ ] /^^, ' ifceLVOv Tvyyavu '; -^ ; . 'Ew9 .5 ^. \ toiV ^oyov^ ^(u <; €^ tois h'o^ eVeiWf, (\( ; . - /;. 21. ] ^ '^10 /cat i^eaTeov ye ^ /; '/} ^) , y ; . "EcTTt ,Sn. Elei^. ^; <5 ( evl (\{) 15 ^;^ <: • tous \yo ^ ^, ^; . ? yap ; 2. Tt ' € ( , 20 eh aTretOovvTo^ ; . etv . yap .- .2. ?'.?. , ^^ , ^, .25 \ ahiKOiv -^ ar/aOov , ; iTUTcpov } -) Bel erreaOac ) , ? eVoVj ec tTralojv^ (,

90 PLATONIS \<;, el , i/cetvo , iylyvsTO, ; ; . , . 5 VIII. 2. 3, vyLetvoO ^^^ -ttj , ; ' y ^; 10 . /. 2. ^* ; . .2. - -15 , , Biicaiov ; elvat ,48 7' ,; . . 20 21. ; . 7^. 2. , , -, , ' 6 ,6 , .25 ^, - .

CRITO. 91 8, y tl<;, ^; .. \ 8 ' 'yap aVy ^- .5 2. ^^?. ', , 6 ? ' 6 eTL [] • el , ,. 10 . .So. ? <; , ; . .IX. Sil. '^15 , -^, ; G ,^ , . ? ? - '^\ , ,2, <y , , , . ' 6 9fj ^,' - 25 \ D ^ , Trj • , Serj ^^ -

92 PLATONIS OvyaKeLV Set ^ ciyovra^ oirre aWo GTLOvv irpo ^. . ? ^, 8€< XiyeLV, ^€<* Se ,2. ^, ayaOe, KOLvrj^ el ] e^et9 5 avTikiyeLV XiyovTO<;y ^/, • el Be , , ,XSyov, " • ^, ,<=; -^'^, ^^4:9 y ol'rj. . .. 2. , ^ ; -15 <; 6 ayaOov ,? ']6; [iXejETO •] ^ oXlyai^ , , , \^<~\ 20 ? )^; ,, , 7^25 ; ; . ,

CFJTO. 93 2. aSc/celp . .So. ^- avraBt/celv, ? -\ ^67€ <3 8; 5 ,2. Tt hi} ; KaKovpytLV , ., ; . €6 , '/, 2. Tt ; ^ ,? , ; 10 . ,2. .. €7€9. 2. lire hel 15 ,' ] ., , \^ D /^9. yap . , ,\^^ , -. , --, ' - 25 • ; yap ,' ] aXXy ,Xy ., .

94 PLATOXIS . '' re • .2. , ' • ^9 oooyr} ^; 5 . .XI. .. : . ^;50 ttoXlv , , ; -^ ; 10 . , ,• <yap .2. ' ^ .,' ,kolvov 15 ' , , - ; ciXXo '; i) , y ^ 20 ^, ' ylyvovTai ; , ,; yap ^,.25 yap C ; ; . , %.

CRITO. 95 XII. 2. ovVy ' 2- fcparef;, ^ 6 , €€ ^ ^ ah 79 ^] ; el ^^, ? eXiroLev , 6 ^<;, /^^, ' ,<; ^ -. yap, iy/ca\cov ] - ; ^hC 6 10 \ ; , ,,; , civ. rot? y ; 15 , ^/} ^} ; ,. . 8 , - /^ 8\, 20 Trpoyovoi ; * ,\ \ ,,; ^25 ,, , ,^ ^ -' 8 :)1 , ,

96 PLATONIS €7 Si/caLou etvai, Be ^ ' ,,,6 } - ; , 5 -\ ^^Trap , 8 10 , ], , ), ,,dyr} , ,, ^- , C ) , y , * , Be ; 20 , ; ^; . /^€ .XIII. Sn. ^ , ^,, Xeyov, otl 25 ,yap yvvav, ,,-

CRITO. 97 aXKoc<; , irpoayopevo^ev D ^ , Bokl- ^ ) iv ttj ^^ ^5 ottol .' airayopeoei, iav re € , el ,, ottol - 10 . ' ), ,oXoyva, ^ 7) , ',, ^ ,15 , ^, tc -, ^ 52 , ,, .20 XIV. , ^,, , ^^, ' .€< • ^ ; -Xyov, ^iyco 25 oXoy ^ 6oXoyav, yap otl ^, yXa , , • yap ^

98 - PLATONIS iv avrfj , el -6€, € , [ ^,^ ovre aXkoae , el ttol ^C 5 ,^,, 7]^ itoXl^ • \6- ^ * ,. 10 ) ^,el , ^,.ayavaKTcov, Sioc , ,D , y • 5 ^ ,- ,,.-^, ^ . 20 , ^ -' '' ,' ,. , }.; ^; . ^^, %. 25 Sn. " ^ ,^ ^

CRiTO. 99 ,' iv ereacp , iv oh ,el ^ hcKatai 6\^ ,^ ,5 } ,' , -53 '• ^ 3\ 10 ' ryap ; 3 ''; 7) ], ^• '^ye .. yap , -ayaOov py ; yap ye yv ,iyyUTaTa 20 \), — yap ,- — , ,Trj -, , -yovo , 25 • yap , y , -

100 PLATONIS ; , eorrai ; 7\(€< — \6yov<;, ^; ivOaSe, ; ^ 5 D /; .' ifc , Be • yap ^/? -, -^ • ,, , 15 , ; ,• , , %,. • -Tt -%, 20 ; Xoyoi re 4 ; , ; ; %, , 26 , , -,; yap -

CRITO. 101 ,, iav et? - }^ ^iav Se ' ^- ]^ ; ye ^; ,56 ,. '', %€, ^ ^, et? '^ ^ \10 TOi? yap ^8 3 (, ,., /?;?, * G 3 - -? vaopy'a^, 6o\oya^ €pyavo eSet, \ , -2^ ,\ 7) "^ ^,,} Xiy .. , ,2 € ,, /tal XGyv . , y

102 TLATONIS CRITO. ,iav ;? , , ^d ifkkov ,\ey€. . \ ^, ' \eyeLV. 2 . " , }.^ ,iwetBrj ) 6 ^^. 6

NOTES.

NOTES. APOLOGIA SOCRATIS. Paere 43 A. Line 1. "O rt . . . . In what manner you 17 have heen affected ly my accusers^ i. e,, by their harangiies, which had immediately preceded the defense of Socrates, following contrasts the clauses ; following ^ it would contrast the pronouns and iya). Since denotes the receiving of an action, it is followed by , as if it were a passive verb. G. 165, N. 1; IT. A. 820.* So vn Just below ; and in like manner ab in Latin. The accusers or prosecutors of Socrates were three, Anytus, 18 B., Meletus, 19 B., and Lycon, 23 E. uv8p€i . The trial of Socrates took place before the Heli£ea, the most numerous and popular, and, at that time, by far the most important court at Athens. It consisted in all of 6,000 Athenian citizens (though they usually administered justice in sections of 500 each), and being also often thronged by spectators from the populace, its members might well be addressed by the same honorable title as the members of the popular assembly, avdpes ^, instead of the more distinctive title ^. Socrates uses the latter in addressing those judges who voted for his acquittal in the concluding paragraph of his defense, capp. xxxi-xxxiii, and gives his reason for it at 40. * G. stands for Goodwin's Grammar ; H. A. for Hadley's revised by Allen ; M. and T. for Goodwin's Moods and Tenses of Greek Verbs.

106 NOTES. [17, . Page 43 The 6,000 Ileliasts were a majority of tlie adult citizens of Athens. The name is connected in root with /, ' wliich in the Dorian states was the common term for an assembly of the people, and these Attic juries, even in their judicial functions, represented the people. Cf. Vachsmuth.'s His. Ant., Sec. 47, Meier's Attic Process, Smith's Diet, of Antiqq., and Grote's Hist, of Greece, vol. iv., chap. 31 ; also Mahaffy's Primer of Old Greek Life, Secc. 96-101. On the compliment implied in the title ,cf. 29 D. 2. d' olv. But tJien^ at any rate^ affirming the truth of the following statement, notwithstanding his ignorance about that in the previous clause. 3. oklyov, sc. Setv, literally, to want little =z almost. G. 268; H. A. 743, b. Cf. oklyov bav, 22, A. € €€, forgot myself i. e., my true character. 4. eVos eiVeii/ limits ovbev , and is designed to qualify, or apologize for, that otherwise absolute negation of all truth in his accusers : they have said^ so to speah, nothing that is true at least. Cf. Stallbaum in loc, and Gorg. 450 B, also Woolsey, ibid. 5. h ^, etc. One thing of theirs I most wondered at of the m,any falsehoods which they stated, viz., this, relates to persons and is the gen. of the possessor, while is the partitive gen. after the same word ev. Cf. Stallbaum ad loc. B. 6. . , impf., has the better MSS. authori<"y, but , pres., gives the better, not to say the only suitable meaning, and is adopted by Cron, Wagner, and other recent editors. 8. . rather than ov regularly ac- companies the inf., because the inf., from its very nature, usually denotes a mere conception : that they should not he ashamed, on = because. 9. , hy the fact, the actual trial. 9. 8' . Observe the emphasis : not even in any ijoay whatever. 10. ,of them, or in them. Cf. note on ev (above. 11. ei apa = nisi forte, unless perchance. Often used ironically : unless forsooth. 12. Xe'yfij/ depends on davov = powerful (literally, terriMe) to speaL• ei . . . €may be rendered, if they mean this. 13. ,not after their example. He would acknowledge, that he was an orator according to that definition, but not

IT, .] NOTES. 107 according to their exemplification of it, since tliey^ as he ^^ proceeds to say, had spolcen little or nothing that was true. 14. ovbev = little or nothing^ next to nothing. Cf. Herod. Ill, 140, 4€ de Tis ovSeis .15. , truth throughout, differing slightly from ^. G. 142, 4, . 5 ; . . 672. Cf. Xen. Mem. 4, 8, 9 : ^ . 16. , ..\. Not, however, ty any means, Athenians, speeches rhetorically decl•ed out as theirs were in choice words and phrases, nor carefully arranged in ornate periods, hut yoit shall hear facts, stated without premeditation in the words which chance to occur to me. There is the most perfect rhetoric in Plato's presentation of this defense of Socrates. The conversational style is everywhere admirably kept up. 17. €ol ,sc. . In such comparative clauses, the noun may take the case of the preceding noun, or may he put in the nominative, \oyovs is the object of ^,which is expressed in the last instead of the first clause, in order to declare emphatically and affirmatively what they shall hear. According to Stallbaum, = singula nomina, = nomina una cum predicato. In the technical lan- guage of Greek grammar, = nouns, = verbs. 0. 19. yap, ..., in this connection implies, that just sentiments do not need rhetorical ornaments. 1. ,^^ as usual, is somewhat playful = methinks, to de sure. 2. ^] , est: mihi homini id cetatis—verbum abstractum loco verbi concreti positum. Stallb. Socrates was 70 years old at the time of his trial. Cf. D. takes the gender of ^, or of , implied in ») ,and implies more or less of fictitious and false elaboration. It is to be remembered that at this time the successful speeches in the Athenian courts were usually prepared by rhetoricians, and delivered as if their own by the parties. Lysias prepared scores of such orations, and wrote one for Socrates, which he declined to use. eh ,to come into your presence, your dicastery, or your assembly. 4. . Euhnken, as cited and approved by Stallbaum, says: 7rapi77/xt = admitto, = ad me admitti volo, i. e., precor, deprecor. 6. Kat

108 NOTES. [18, . Pagre 44 Iv ayopa^ ,.\. Both in the agora at the counters, and else- where. Cf. Mat. 21,12: .in modern Greek = bank. D. 8. €€ yap . For the fact is thus, sc. as fol- lows. Then follows the explanatory clause, which, as usual, is without any connective (asyndeton). 9. ,sc. the , or stand of the accused. The accuser also had his or elevated stand in the court. 10. eV^aSe \^€. The language of judicial proceedings. For the gen. see G. 182, 1 H. A. 756. 11. &anep ovv av. This av belongs to the apodosis with ^^/, where it is repeated {8 av). It stands with to intimate at the outset (by way of anticipation), that the example is a mere supposition, and then, after the intervening protasis with el, it is repeated with the verb or some other important word of the apodosis. G. 212, 2; H. A. 864. = in fact. So very often, especially in Plato. |ei/os, not an Athenian but still a Greek, who might be understood in the Athenian courts, but would speak in the dialect, tone, and manner of his native country. Com- pare Schleiermacher's note ad loc. 13. olanep. G. 151, N. 2 ; H. A. 628. 18 A. 13. dfj \ vvv, ...,=80 also now, i. e., in my case at present, I mahe this request of you, a reasonaMe one as to me it certainly seems. For the personal form , instead of the impersonal boKei, see H. A. 944. The ye empliasizes the clause, not the pronoun, which therefore takes the un- eraphatic form pot. Al. y 4. 16. , this very thing, i. e., this single point, viz., whether I speak what is just or not. Here the demonstrative (enforced by the inten- sive, of which combiuation Plato is particularly fond) pre- pares the way for a clause, as it does above for the infinitive. 18. ^] = the virtue, being in the predicate, omits the arti- cle in Greek, but requires it in English. G. 141, N". 8; H. A. 669. 20. dpi instead of dUaiov ecrrt with the acc and inf. ; another example of the personal for the impersonal con- struction. B. 24. % explains , which is altogether indefinite: for some time, many years now. . The

18, .] NOTES. 109 Page Clouds of Aristophanes was put on the stage 27 years before 44 the time of this trial. Cf. note 19, C, p. 46, 1. 15. 26. rovs ". Auytus and his associates, sc. Meletus and Lycon. For this use of see Lexicon. Anytus is named, as being the most popular and at the same time the most hostile of the three prosecutors of Socrates. He was a man of large fortune but loose principles. He gained the favor of the people as a leader of the exiles at Phyle in the time of the Thirty Tyrants, and having taken offense at Socrates partly on personal and partly on professional grounds (cf. 23, E), induced Meletus and Lycon to join with him in a prosecution. According to Diogenes Laertius (2, 38, 39), the Athenians repented of their condemnation of Socrates and put Meletus to death, and sent Anytus and Lycon into banishment. Grote disbelieves and denies this. His. of Gr., vol. viii, chap. 68. Cf. Stallb. and Smith's Die. of Biog. and Mythol., Anytus. 27. o? . . . -^who tahing the mass of you from your hoy- hood^ sc. as it were, under their instruction. 1. ? eVrt, 11* ..., saying^ there is one Socrates, etc. The introductory particle appropriate to an indirect quotation is followed by a direct quotation, and must be omitted in English. , a philosopher. Compare the Latin sapiens. ^as well as and ,was more or less a term of reproach with the ignorant multitude. Cf. Grote, His. Gr., vol. viii, chap. 67, Eng. ed. 2. re €, governs the ace. as retaining the active force of . G. 158, N. 8 ; H. A. 713. 3. t6u . . . , maMng the weaker the stronger argument, or, as it is often expressed, malcing the worse appear the l•etter reason. Cf. Cic. Brut. 8: docere quemadmodum caussa in- ferior dicendo fieri superior possit. The Sophists were open to this charge, as the physical philosophers were to that of inquiring into everything in the heavens above and in the earth beneath ; and the art of the enemies of Socrates con- sisted in arraying against him the prejudices which the public mind already cherished, with greater or less reason, against them —in short, in confounding him w^ith them, though he was, in fact, diametrically opposed to them both in faith and 10

110 NOTES. • [18, c. 45 in philosophy. Of. below, 23, D : -€ \.. 5. BeivoL as pred.; those before mentioned as Beivoi G. 141, N. 8 ; H. A. 669, a. 6. oLSe ueovs €,do not even lelieve in the existence of the gods. This, it is well known, was one point in the indictment against Socrates. Cf. Xen. Mem. 1, 1, 1 ; also below, 24 B. The physical philosophers of the age afforded a plausible, not to say just, occasion for this charge, since they, for the most part, dispensed with all eflBcient causes, and either failed to recognize the Deity, or else confounded him with his works. The systems, if not the men, were chargeable with atheism or pantheism. Cicero as- cribes to Anaxagoras the first distinct recognition of the divine existence and agency, as an intelligent cause, in the universe. 7. €TT€LTa . . . eVi /cat = then . . . still further also; or in the second place . . . in the third pL•ce also. 8. ] rfj . Explained by ?ovres, ... 9. . . . eniarev- . iv , where you would have deen most liTcely to helieve. G. 220, 2, N. 2. 11. ,accusing me in my absence. The form of expression (^ so. ) is derived from a suit at law, in which one of the parties does not ap- pear, = absolutely^ really^ used especially by Plato and comic writers to affirm the improbable or unreasonable. See below, 18 D. 12, t he ,hut what is most unreasonahle of all is the fact that. Sometimes the also, as well as , is omitted, thus leaving the following clause in direct apposition, as we often do in English. 13. «... Tvyxavei implies no uncertainty: €l = in ease, or when. The allusion is particularly to Aristophanes, who is named below, 19, C ; though Cratinus, Ameipsias, Eupolis, and other comic poets, ridiculed Socrates. Cf. Stallb. ad loc. D. 14. de, another more inaccessible class, \ = with envy and calumny. The part, denotes means or manner, and may often be rendered with. See Lex. It belongs properly to ,and is extended to by a species of zeugma, . The impf. ex- presses the persistence of the persuasion and the growth of the calumny. 15. introduces another class of persuaders,

18, D.] NOTES. Ill as if oi Lad preceded with . . . €, the one 45 being the envious and calumnious, the other tliose who were really persuaded in their own minds of the guilt of Socrates. 16. ,most inaccessible (a and )^ most difficult to approach and convince. Of. Lysis, 223, : "^. 17. . . . €, to maTce . . . come up hither^ i. e., summon him to appear in court. Observe the force of the middle voice : for my benefit^ cf. ,19, A. is partitive genitive = amj of tliem^ separated from ovBeva for emphasis. 18. ^ . . . ,,to fight with shadows^ as it were, in defending myself and also to cross-examine while no one replies. The participle and the infinitive in each part form a complex idea, and then the two parts or ideas are connected together bj re . Thus is the apparent confusion of participles and infinitives explained by Fischer. See his note ad loc. 20. = existimate, hold^ or deem ; so Bekker, Ast, Stallbaum ; or, as Wagner, grant, assume. E. 23. €, those, sc. earlier and more remote ac- cusers, refers to the more remote idea^ though, as in this instance, it be to the latter word or clause. 26. Efev. Well, he it so. For the root and signification of this particle see Lex. Schleiermacher : wohl. It marks the establishment and completion of what goes before and the transition to another topic. 27. i^eXeaOat. Of. note on ,18, D. , . . . The calum- ny (misconception produced by calumny) which you have en- tertained a long time, this to eradicate in so short a time. rovTo yeveaOat, sc. the eradication of false impressions from the minds of his judges. It is still further explained by Koi irXiov . . . ^,and to accomplish something by my defense. On \4 = proficere aliquid, to get on or forward with a thing, to gain something by it; see Lexi- con. ^fi A. 2. ei ,.. The sequel shows that he not 19 only doubted whether it was best for him to be acquitted, but that he did not desire to live by any such means as were likely to influence his judges to acquit him. He makes his

112 NOTES. [19, . 46 defense rather as a matter of form in obedience to the laws, than with the expectation or desire of success. B. 7. e| . Let US take up aneiD, from the heginning. He has adverted to the charge in general terms before (18, B) ; but here he would resume its examina- tion from the first, as if he had not before mentioned it. 8, ,the false opinion of me. € = objective gen. Cf. evvoia TTJ ?}, good Will to you^ Gorg. 486, A; G. 147, N. 1 ; H. A. 694. 9. ^ . For the force of the middle voice, see G. 199, 3 ; . . 816, 6. For the double ace. (of the cognate signification ,and the direct object pe), see G. 159, N. 4; H. A. 725. Render: has preferred against me this indictment, is a pubhc indictment for a criminal offense ; is applicable either to public or private causes, but when used in contradistinction to , it denotes a private suit. 10. ovv, ... Therefore just as it is customary to read the l•ill of indict- ment presented by formal accusers^ so must we read theirs, is primarily the oath of a party at law, and then the bill or form of indictment. 12. €6, is over- busy, excessively curious, is a lusy-lody. C. 14. TLS, something like this. He does not pro- fess to give it exactly. Cf. Xen. Mem. i, 1, 1. 15. eV r^ . The Clouds, perhaps the master-piece of Aristophanes, in which he introduces Socrates, as the prin- cipal character, sitting in a basket in the air, and uttering declamations as windy as his position. Very different ex- planations are given of the motives which induced the poet to treat the moral philosopher with such palpable injustice. Some have supposed that he was influenced by personal hostility, and further instigated and suborned by the enemies of Socrates. But this supposition does not accord either with the comparatively respectful tone in which Aristophanes else- where alludes to Socrates (cf. Birds, 1280, 1554; Frogs, 1487), or with the mild and even complimentary terms in which Plato speaks of Aristophanes here and elsewhere. Had Plato regarded Aristophanes as a bitter personal enemy of Socrates, or as having occasioned his master's death, he never would

19, c] NOTES. 113 Page have introduced the poet and the philosopher conversing on 46 such friendly terras as in the Symposium, still less furnished for the poet's tomb such an epitaph as the following: "Jupiter, wishing to find an asylum for all the graces, found the soul of Aristophanes." Others have thought that Aristophanes really mistook the true character of Socrates, confounded his teachings with those of the Sophists, whom he opposed, and so in sober earnest visited upon his head the storm of indignation which was merited by the class, and by him as its leader and iiblest representative. But, to say nothing of the want of dis- cernment which is thus imputed to Aristophanes, the matter was not viewed in so serious a light either by Plato (as the con- siderations just mentioned suffice to show), or by Socrates, who, if we may credit the traditions, was present when the piece was performed, and stood forth before the audience that he might be recognized as " a host who furnished a large company an agreeable enter tainmenV There was enough of general re- semblance between him and the Sophists in their talkative habits, the subjects on which they conversed, and the manner in which they reasoned (especially as he often met them on their own ground, and refuted them with their own weapons), to give plausibility to the representation of him as an arch- sophist. Doubtless also the ultra- conservative poet viewed the speculating and revolutionizing spirit of the Socratic philosophy with not a little of the same fear and aversion with which he re- garded the demoralizing instructions of the Sophists. More- over, Socrates stood in the most friendly relations to Alcibiades and Euripides, both of whom, as arch-innovators though in different spheres, were subjects of unsparing ridicule and re- proach in the comedies of Aristophanes. So much of objective reality we may suppose lay at the basis of the representation which is made of Socrates in the Clouds. The rest is comic exaggeration and extravagance got up purposely, but not maliciously, for the amusement of the noXvyiXot .And surely never was comedian furnished with a more fruit- ful theme for inextinguishable laughter than the grotesque person, outlandish dress, and singular gait of Socrates, with which friend and foe, Athenian and stranger, all had become

114 NOTES. [19, c. - 46 familiar as he stood and stared, or started and ran through the streets, or fascinated some and bored and vexed others in the shops and the market-places. The intent of the piece and its author may have been misunderstood by some, and it may have had some effect in preparing the way for the pros- ecution, which it suggests. But it is referred to in the Apology as an illustration of popular prejudices of long standing, rather than as a cause of the present indictment. And the utter failure of the Clouds to make any serious im- pression on the popular mind against Socrates is seen, not only in its want of success at the time (for it gained no favor and won no prize), but also in the fact that a period of twenty-four years intervened between its exhibition and the condemnation of the Moral Philosopher. Cf. Stallb. ad loc. Smith's Die. of Biog. 16. ^^, sc. in a basket {€), cf. the Clouds, 225 seqq. 17. . "When asked what he is doing, Socrates replies in the play : \ . 18. . . . . Observe the anastrophe and the position of irept, as in English: which I know nothing about, Socrates, as represented in the Phsedo, suggests that he had in early life been a student of physics, 96 A. Xenophon quotes him as disparaging such studies, Mem. I, 1, 11. 19. , sc. the foregoing = / say this. governs . The Socratic irony is manifest in this clause, and in the following, which is parenthetical: let me not^ ly any means, he prosecuted dy Meletus on so weighty a charge! sc. as undervaluing this kind of knowl- edge. D. 22, , ... ^wi I must speak, /or, etc. 23. avTovs Tovs ttoWovs. The greater part of yourselves. 24. /re \ ,hysteron proteron. TTith ^is to be supplied from the accusative. 28. e/c ,Al. . The Greeks very often employ the plural of the demonstrative in reference to a foregoing clause or single idea, where we should use the singular. Eender: from this. If H. A. 635. 1. nep\ e/ is placed before for emphasis = which the many say about me. 3. ,the charges in the foregoing context—inquiring into things above, making the Pai

19, .] NOTES. 115 Pae worse the better reason, etc. ov8i y el, ... We should 47 expect ovT€ answering to the ovre in the previous clause, but ovde ye is more emphatic and therefore more appropriate to introduce a new topic of special importance. It is made still more emphatic by being repeated before rovro 49. 5. . This charge also confounded Socrates with the Sophists, who amassed large sums of money for tuition. It is denied by Xenophon, Mem. i, 2, 60. E. 5. eVei \ , ... The Attics use ee often like yap =for ; and sometimes, like qiium in Latin, it may be well rendered although. Socrates treats this charge, just as he did the other, ironically, representing it as a very beautiful and honorable thing, if one were only wise and capable of doing it; and yet he feels constrained to deny it simply because it is not true. 7. Topyias re Aeovrlvos, ... He enumerates several of the most popular Sophists and rhetoricians who had enriched themselves by teaching the sons of the wealthy at Athens. They were all foreigners. For Gorgias of Leontini, a city of Sicily, cf. Diog. Laer, 9, 52 ; Cic. de Orat. i, 22 Brut. 8; Plat. Gorg., Hip., and Protag. For Prodicus of Ceos, one of the Oyclades Islands, cf. Cic. Brut. 8; Xen. Mem. II, 1, 21 seqq. ; Plat. Protag. and Cratyl. For Hippias of Elis, a city of the Peloponnesus, cf. Oic. de Orat. 32, Brut. 8; Plat. Hip. and Minos. See also Smith's Die. Biog. and Mythol., and Grote's His. Gr., vol. viii, chap. 6T. Grote de- fends the Sophists as a class with great learning and eloquence. Doubtless they have been condemned too much in the gross —with too indiscriminate severity. But they belonged to an age which was losing its faith, and had the misfortune to be the recognized teachers of the people, with no instruction to offer which could reach the real difficulty. So, though there were doubtless wise and good men among them, it was not unnatural that they were charged with exerting an influence hostile to morals and religion, nor that they received the censure which Plato everywhere attaches to them. 10. tovs veovs would regularly be the object of ,depending on Olds• r eariu, instead of whicl), however, by a singular anaco- luthon, we have . . . 1063. It should be ob-

116 NOTES. [20, . 47 served, that Plato abounds in such irregular constructions and unexpected changes, doubtless to keep up the appearance of a colloquial style appropriate to the dialogue, and which is no less appropriate to the plain talk which Socrates promises to hold with his judges in this Apologj. The plural verb with cKacTTos is not unnatural. H. A. 609, a. is parti- tive genitive after : who have the opportunity to associate gratuitotisly with whomsoever they please of their fellow- citizens. 13. :and lesides {[)2ij\n.g them money) to feel under oMigation to them. A. eVei introduces an illustration = yap, for^ cf. note, 20 19, E. Schleiermacher renders it by the German ja. 14. 6v . . . in , of whose sojourning here I lately he- came aware. The reference is to Evenus, the poet and Sophist, as appears below, B. He was a native of the island Pares. He is mentioned in the Phasdo, 60, D, and Phsedrus, 267, A. Callias, the son of Hipponicus, w^ho in- formed Socrates of Evenus' stay in the city, was proverbi- ally rich (6 ,Plutarch), and his lavish expenditure upon the Sophists is often referred to. He in fact utterly squandered his vast property and died in poverty. Protag. 314, B, ; Xen. Symp. i, 5 ; Aristoph. Birds, 285. See also Boeckh's Pub. Econ. Athens, vol. ii, p. 242. 20. e/ieXXei; is assimilated to the tense on which it depends, the thought being still under the influence of the unfulfilled condition. H. A. 919, b. B. 21. €. Acc. of specification, or more accurately a cognate acc. with the adjective : in the virtue (or excel- lence) lecoming them. So, in a similar illustration, Xenophon makes Socrates use the word of a horse and an ox, that is obedient to his proper law and trained for his appropriate work. Socrates used such illustrations, drawn from the lower animals and the common afl'airs of life, till they were thread- bare and almost offensive, at least to those who could not but feel their force as directed against themselves. The "Great Teacher " abounded in this method of instruction. 22. ' . And this (overseer) would he, etc. 24. re \ ,that ichich is appropriate to man and also to

20, c] NOTES. 117 the state. 1. itivre = some |83. This was a small sum in 48 comparison with the tuition fees which Protagoras, Gorgias, and some others exacted, who received 100 minie. With the Greek compare the Latin mina and our word money. 2. €(I the aor. is used to express the momentary^ action as having just taken place, or perhaps it would be better to say, without reference to time. It is so employed especially in the vividness of the drama. M. and T., 19, N. 5 II. A. 842. C. 3. €€\, according to Stallbaum, has a double ap- phcation to the style of teaching and to the price of tuition = so properly (literally, in tune), so excellently in both respects. He says, there is great urbanity in the expression. If Socrates had said, €, he would have too clearly ridiculed Evenus and so Oallias. He used, therefore, a word by which, while he seemed to praise Evenus, he yet severely censured both his levity and the avarice of the other Sophists. It is used of a moderate or reasonable price in the Laws, 776, B, 760, A. 5. ' ov yap, ... The ellipsis is obvious : hut I can not thus pride myself, for, etc. in such connection may be rendered really, certainly : hut I really do not know. Cf. H. A. 1050, d. 6. . Compare our taL• up. 7. TO TL , your business, what is it? The em- phasis is on your: you deny any acquaintance with the pro- fession of the naturalist who inquires into the secrets of the universe, or of the Sophist who teaches, and is well paid for teaching, the art of persuasion ; what then, Socrates, is your business, profession, or pursuit? 9. ovdev neptrrOTepov, noth- ing more or other, nihil aliud. Stallbaum renders : nihil curiosius. %€, then, in that case, I suppose so much talk and discussion would not have arisen, as have arisen, yiyovev stands where av iyiv^ro would regularly have been used, to denote that this bruit has actually arisen. Oron suggests that the conditional idea can not be contained in . . . -,for we should not then have ovhiv. He translates It is inconceivahle that such a report should have arisen adout you alone who are no more husy than others. D. 13. J quid tandem. In questions, €, like

118 NOTES. [20, . 48 tandem^ indicates surprise, wonder, impatience, or some other lively emotion. It is here retained in the indirect question, jnst as it would have been used in the direct, as expressive of the wonder of the inquirer. 14. re \ ,l^oth the name^ sc. of a wise man, and the calumny connected with it. 16. €v ia-re, K.T.X. Be assured, however, I will tell you the whole truth. Observe the omission of on. So in Crit. 54, D, , ye, ..., and elsewhere after ew €. 17. . . . 1046, 2 c; cf. also Jelf, 773, ob. 1. 18. dr) ,pray what sort of wisdom this. Cf. Laches, 194 D. . Kat boKU av8p€tav \iyeLv. . , €9, ] the clause takes the construction of in the preceding (ace. after, ). The omission of the preposition is especially frequent in questions and answers, and serves to give a more familiar form to the dialogue. This effect is illustrated by the fact that the usage belongs to comedy but not to tragedy; cf. Jelf, 650, 5. 19. € ', ... Just that, ^jerhaps, which is, etc. 20. , in reality, , in this, ace. of specification. So in the next clause. E. 21, ^ ,than pertains to man, quam pro homine, H. A. 646. 22. , ', or else IJcrcOW not what to call it—certainly it is not human wisdom—it is not any such wisdom as I possess. The irony of the passage is evident, is subjunctive. 24. eVi Tjj }, for the saTce of calumniating me. For the sense of eVt, cf. H. A. 799, 2, c; also Jelf, 634, 3, a. For r^ , instead of the ob- jective gen., €, cf. note, 19, A. 25. . Do not raise a tumult against me, or, as a speaker would say to a modern assembly, do not hiss me =. ne ohstrepatis. The reader will remember the popular constitution of the court, cf. note, 17, A. For the aor. subj. in prohibitions with and its compounds, cf. G. 254; H. A. 874. ^ civ, not even if Xiyeiv, properly denotes loasting, as does pride. In the later Greek, it meant to say some- thing marvelous. But it was the seeming pride and arrogance of what he said, which, he feared, would give offense, and which did actually give offense to the judges. Cf. Xen. Apol.

21, .] NOTES. 119 Page Soc. as cited below, 21, A; also Xen. Apol. Soc. 1, where he 48 speaks of the €'/, which all the Apologies ascribe to Socrates in his defense. 27. €^ responsible^ primarily in regard to money, secondarily in regard to testimony. Cf. 88, B. yap €, d tls iari \ oia^ for of my wisdom^ whether now I have any^ and of what sort it is^ etc. By a somewhat peculiar attraction, is drawn from the principal into the subordinate clause. ^|^® A. 2. e/ioff . Hence often attacked by Aristophanes 21 in the Clouds and elsewhere, . It is to be re- membered that the word was used with frequent application to the Athenian democracy. 3. ^. . . ^ he went with you in your recent exile and with you returned. The allusion is to the exile of the principal men of the Athenian democracy under the Thirty Tyrants, which having taken place quite recently, is called ). This allusion was calculated to recommend Chaerephon to popular favor. 5. $• . Cf. Aristoph. Clouds, 104, 503, seq., Birds, 1570; Xen. Mem. ii, 3; Plat. Gorg., Charm., etc., pass. 6. , oirep , ,and, I repeat it, do not he raising a tumult. It will be observed, that the aor. subj. is used in the first request ( €above), but in the repetition the pres. imp. The former is a general request not to do it at all; the latter is more definite, and means: donH he doing it, as you are doing and will be very liable to do while Iproceed, especially with this to you most surprising and perhaps offen- sive part of my narrative. G. 202, 1 ; H. A. 874, a. The Apology, which bears the name of Xenophon, declares ex- pressly, that this part of Socrates' Defense did call forth repeated expressions of displeasure from the judges. Xen. Apol. Soc. 15. 7. € yap drj. The Greeks use the parti- cles, yap, 8, ovv, in resuming a sentence after a parenthesis, where we use I say. 8. dpelXev, responded, literally, tool• up^ sc. her response. This famous response is worded differently in different authorities. Cf. Xen. Apol. Socr. 14; Diog. Laert. 2, 37; Schol. Aristoph. Clouds, 144. 9. ?, sc. Chaerecrates, Xen. Mem. ii, 3. 10. , . . eKelvos. Cf. note, 18, E.

120 NOTES. [21, . 49^ . IS. 7€, ichat in tJie tcorld. Cf. note, 20, D. 15. ^€ . After ,,etc., the participle expresses that of which one is conscious^ and may either agree with the subject of the verb in the nom. or with the reflexive w^hich follows tlie verb and refers to the same person, in the dative. Here we have the former construc- tion ; below, 22, D, we have the other : €^w^beiv ovbev €. G. 280, N. 2 ; H. A. 982, a. /ze-ya and are adverbial accusatives. H. A. 719, b. 15. ovv Xeyet, what in the world then, I my, does he mean? ovv is resump- tive like yap, above, 21, A ; and 'kiyei is best rendered, as it often is, by the English mean. Below the same form of expression follows , instead of the oratio obliqua, . . . . G. 247; . . 932. 18. eneira . . . ,hut at length, with much lalor, I hetoolc myself to an ex- amination of it (sc. the oracle or the meaning of the god, -e Xiyei) somewhat as follows, tolovtos usually refers to the foregoing, to the following (cf. note, 37, A), but not always. G. 148, .1; H. A. 696. Cf. , 19, , and note, ibid. 19. stands without a connective, because this clause is in apposition as it were with the pre- ceding, being a fuller and more exact statement of the ex- amination there mentioned. Cf. 17, D, and note, ibid. The reader will observe that such clauses or sentences are asyndetic; while, with the exception of such, each clause and sentence of connected discourse in Greek usually begins with some connective particle, Be, , yap, ovv, etc. Cf. H. A. 1039. C. 20. . . . ,supposing, that there, if anywhere, I should confute, etc. G. 277, 2; . . 978. 22. 6 - . Cf. note on ? eVrt, 18, . ' epe ,hut you (sc. the oracle) said I (so. was wiser). 24. ov . . . ^,in looMng to whom I met with such an experience. 25. hiakeyopevos. connects hiakeyopevos to (the intervening clause being parenthetical), and the participle, belonging to the principal subject of the discourse (Socrates), is in the nominative, though, to agree with what follows, it should be in the dative with . It is a species of anacolu- thon. H. A. 1063.

21, D.] NOTES. 121 D. 1. evTevuev is both temporal and causal =from that 5§° time and for that reason. 8. €6 . . . ,I reasoned with myself, ^ , = ,indeed. . . 1037, 12. Tlie after Kivhwevet is correla- tive to *, after which follows again the more usual cor- relation ovTos € . . . eyo) de. After /) ^is understood. 7. denotes not an inference but a cor- respondence with what he has before said of the ignorance of himself and others : while /, just as in fact, and as I have already said, I do not Icnow, so I do not even suppose that I Tcnow. 8. tivl denotes the degree, and the respect in which he is wiser, = alone, see Lex. i, 3. G. 188, 2; 188, 1, 1 ; . . 781, 780; cf. 18, . The difference between and olde, the contingent and the abso- lute negative, is well illustrated in the clause , ... : what I chance not to Tcnow, I do not even suppose that I Icnow. E. 14. OTL . Observe the imp. here and the aor. above. These words connect with each of the preceding participles, but in the different relations of the fact and the cause—with €09, would strictly require to be rendered that; with and ?, because. 15. to ToxJ . G. 141, N. 4; H. A. 621, b. 16. 4 ovv .Socrates here passes suddenly from the indirect to the direct narration, and gives us the very language of his heart at tlie time when he made this examination : / must go then (thought I), in investigating the oracle what it means, to all, etc. -agrees with implied as the dative of the agent after €. For ,put as the object of instead of the subject of , see H. A. 878. A. 18. . A very common oath in the mouth 22 of Socrates. Cf. Gorg. 460, ; 482, , and Prof. Woolsey's notes, ibid. In the last cited passage, Socrates adds: Oeov, which is probably to be regarded as a humor- ous addition. See Mitchell's note, D, App. to Aristoph. Wasps. Fischer, followed by Stallbaum, Cousin, etc., refers the origin of such oaths to Ehadamanthus, who is said, in order to avoid swearing always by the gods, to have invented several other formulaa as substitutes, such as by the dog, by 11

122 NOTES. [22, . &o^tlie oak, by the goose, etc. In Xenopbon, as well as Plato, Socrates is represented as swearing (somewhat singularly) by Juno, infra, 24, E; Gorg. 449, D; Hip. Maj. 291, 9; Xen. Mem. I, 5, 5; in, 10, 9; iv, 2, 9, et al. 20. ci € ,... An exyjlanatory clause, hence without a connective. Cf. notes, 17, D; 21, B. 20. delv. Cf. note 17, . 21. is governed by eVSeeiy. Tbe reader will ob- serve the juxtaposition of the two contrasted words, -repoi and eTnetKicrTepoL. 24. , wandering, sc. to visit and examine the reputed wise men. agrees with implied in (. alludes to labors like those of Hercules. 25. ha . . . yivoiTo: that after all the oracle might in the end prove irrefutalle, i. e., in addition to all his labors, also {\) to bring about a result the opposite of what he set out to accomplish, which was to show that the oracle must be false. Such seems to be the true interpretation of this much disputed passage. Cf. Fischer's Defense of Platonic Passages against the Amendments of Stephens ; also the notes of Schleiermacher and Stallbaum ad loc. The opt. is used in yivoiTo because is imperfect iu sense. G. 204, N. 1 ; . A. 856, a. B. 28. ? . . . \>(. Cf. note 21, C. eV - \€contains an allusion to the detection of a criminal in the very act. 2. €€: to have deen most carefully composed. 3. 8€ . The im- perfect with av denotes repetition according to the circum- stances in each case: I irould ash them in each instance, what they meant to say. G. 20G ; . A. 835. So below, €: almost all who were present would speak letter (i. e , give a better account) than they (the poets) of the proems which they themselves had composed. C. 8. , ... So in Ion 533, E, Socrates says, that poets and musicians, like prophets and soothsayers, compose their productions, not by art, but by an inspiration which displaces reason. The fundamental difference between real sciejice or art, as based on established rules and under- stood reasons, and mere unintelligent knack, or unconscious instinct or inspiration, is an idea, on which Socrates often and

22, D.] NOTES. 123 earnestly insists. Cf. Gorgias pass. ; Grote's His. Gr., vol. viii, chap. Ixviii. 14. . G. 280; H. A. 982. ehai . G. 136, N. 3 ; H. A. 941. a, like its antecedent , is ace. of specification, and is understood in the predicate after : in which they were not, sc. the wisest. 15. £ wepiyeyovevai : svpposing that I surpassed them in the same respect in which I surpassed also the politicians. Of. 21, D. 17. ^, lastly. H. A, 968, a. D. 18. . . . . Cf. note, 21, B. ? elnuv. Cf. note, 17, A. 20. : in this. G. 171, 1 ; H. A. 748. 24. Sf/jutovpyot is subject of ^/. Besides its emphatic position, it is also made emphatic by , which is likewise re- peated before the other subject of comparison oi ,where it is superfluous in English, though very often so used in Greek. See above, C : \ evTevBev . . . ?\ . Cf. also Gorg. 479, : Kivdewevovai yap €K vvv ' -^\ . 25. . ,e.g., the administration of the government, to which Socrates particularly refers. 27. ,to ask againyaa in the case of the poets and the politicians, : nomine oraculi. Stallb. E. 28. €, in the sense of prefer, is very frequent in Plato. Cf. Gorg. 468, ; 471, C, et passim. 2. ^ is neuter, though it refers to the feminine nouns and = loth the things. G. 138, N. 2, a; H. A. 615 (2). A. 8. elvai explains = called this iiame, 23 sc. to do wise. To he is superfluous in English, but elvai often follows verbs of calling. Cf. Protagoras, 811, E: avBpa eivai. is nom. instead of acc, because, in the mind of the speaker, himself is the main sub- ject of the sentence, as having become odious—as if he bad said €9 yiyova instead of y€yva. On tlie popular prejudice against this name, see note 18, B, and Grote as there cited. 10. a av e€€y: in which I may chance to confute another, or in whatsoever I may confute another. G. 233 ; H. A. 913. ro hi: lut as to the matter of fact. It is strengthened by 6 = in reality. The fuller

124 NOTES. [23, . 52 formuLi, ,is often used in the same way. 11. KLvdvvevei : seems nicely^ lit., runs the risk, has a chance. The use of this verb with this signification is especially com- mon in Plato. It was suited to express his view of the uncertainty, or the probability only of all human knowledge. 13. tlvos . . . ovBevos : a little and indeed nothing. So often ovBtv = lilitle or nothing. So atque in Latin sometimes adds a clause, which corrects, and at the same time increases the force of, the foregoing. For the force of TLVOS, cf. ouSeV, IT, , and note ibid, . . . : and he apjiears to mean tJiis of Socrates^ sc. that human wisdom is of no account. For two ace. alter a verb oi saying^ cf. G. 165; H. A. 725, a. 14. :made use of my name desides, i. e., incidentally, for another purpose. 15. ^av d einoi: as if he would say. There is an ellipsis of or some such verb, constituting an im- plied apodosis, with which the av belongs. Cf. note, 17, D, € . not infrequently leaves its verb to be sup- plied from the connection. So especially with ^, also with yap av, and similar phrases. B. 19. €: according to the god, i. e., in ac- cordance with his oracle, or out of regard to his authority. So in Rom. viii, 27, and elsewhere in the New Testament. \ \ , ... : both of the citizens and of the foreigners if I suppose any to he wise. Partitive gen. after . 22. ?. Socrates apologizes else- where in Plato (e. g., below, 31, 32) and in Xenophon (e. g., Mem. I, 6, 15) for not participating in the affairs of the state. His was a higher mission, viz., to educate the individual citizens. 24. € : the greatest poverty, , Rid- dell compares Legg. 677, C, ^ .nevia = paupertas, poverty ; €= egestas, destitution. The former is the usual condition of the poorer and laboring classes; the latter, of mendicants. As to the pecuniary cir- cumstances of Socrates, cf. Xen. (Ecod. 2, 3, where it appears he was commonly called ^, and where it is said his house and all his property were worth five mince ; cf. also 38, B. C. 27. 01 .For omission of substantive,

23, D.] NOTES. 125 see G. 14:1, IsT. 4; H. A. 621, c. This is no ummportant circum- stance to show how the prejudices and passions of the multi- tude were awakened against him. 27. . Socrates, as not being a professional teacher, will not be responsible for his associates, who are entirely free. 1. dra instead of * elra, as we often use then for and then between two verbs. 5. akX ,hut not with themselves, as they might well be angry with themselves for their own ignorance, instead of being angry with him who exposed it. Al. airoh^ sc. the young men, but this would require ineivots. D. 9. TO. ,..\. Cf. notes, 18, . 10. ^, ..., SC. €€ tovs veovs ;that he corrupts the young by teaching tilings in heaven and things under the earth, and not to delieve in the gods, etc. E. 18. € ,as the outcome of these. vTrep . . MeXtroy. This man is ridiculed by Aristophanes as well as Plato for his person, his character, and his bad tragic poetry. We learn from the Euthyph^ron (2, B, C), that his share in the prosecution of Socrates was to bring the indictment before the Archon Basileus, at which time he is described as still young and obscure, but vain and conceited. Besides his professional resentment in common with his brother poets, he had a personal grudge against Socrates for having refused to participate in, and severely animadverted upon, the arrest and " rendition " of Leon of Salamis by Meletus and three others at the command of the Thirty Tyrants. Xen. Mem. iv, 4, 3 ; Andoc. De Myster. 20. "AvvTos € . He was a leather-dresser, and, besides sharing with other ^^ mechanics''^ in the resent- ment provoked by Socrates' exposure of their ignorance as above described, he had, very likely, taken offense at his constant reference to shoemakers and other mechanics in the familiar illustration of his sentiments. He was also a popu- lar demagogue, and had received the highest honors of the Athenian democracy. Hence in the text, .See note, 18, . In Plato's Men. (91, A-C), we find him warning Socrates against a too free use of his tongue, lest he

126 NOTES. [24, . Paf^e 53 should get himself into trouble. 21. virep .Lycon was an orator and demagogue, probably the same who is held up as a drunken brawler by Aristophanes, Wasps, 1301. It was his part to prepare the accusation against Soc- " rates. On all these accusers, see further in Stallbaum ad loc, and Smith's Diet. Ant. 24 A. 21. apxopevos. G. 277, 1 ; . A. 968, a. 24. . . . . This is the truth for you^ sc. which I promised to tell you, cf. 17, B. 27. roh avrois .I incur hatred ly the same, sc. . On the sentiments of this and the following clause, cf. John, viii, 46, v. 43 ; Gal. iv, 16. . 5. re \ . These epithets are applied in accordance with polite usage, and yet not without irony, differs from ,according to Stallb., as friend of Athens from friend of Greece. 7. ^ yap 8 . . . € I for now again let us taL• up on the other hand. The language implies some formality and gravity in the examination of this, as also of the former accusation. '. inasmuch as these are different accusers, i. e., another class, a second, in contradis- tinction to the first, v]lom he has just disposed of. 8. -. Cf. note, 19, B. 9. , nearly as follows. Cf. , 19, C, and note ibid. The order of the points in the indictment is inverted, as it is given by Xenophon, Mem. I, 1, 1. Diogenes Laertius gives it on the authority of Phavo- rinus, as still existing in due form in the second century, in these words: "Socrates is guilty in not recognizing the gods that the state recognizes, but introducing other new divini- ties ; and he is guilty also of corrupting the youth. Penalty, death." , sc. Meletus. 11. , not"s= ,divinities, but divine things, or things pertaining to gods. C. 14. ye, hut I for my part. The ye is omitted in the earlier editions, but inserted by Bekker, Ast, Stall- baum, etc., on the authority of the best MSS. 15. ,serio ludit ; WtQVoRy, joTces in earnest. It is an example of the figure called oxymoron. It is explained by the following participial clauses. Meletus seemed as if he must

24, D.] NOTES. 127 be merely joTcing^ playing a part^ when he pretended to feel 54 so much concern about matters (such as the education of the youth and tlie worship of the gods) on which he never had be- stowed an anxious thought ; and yet he made a serious business of it when he rashly (^) brought men to trial (els ). 17. ^^. G. 184, . 1. ). 20. , hither^ aye being understood, or instead of epxov. The law allowed the parties in a suit to question each other, and obliged the party questioned to answer. Cf. be- low, note, 25, D. Few probably ever turned the law to so good account, as Socrates knew how to do by his method of question and answer, . This formula, frequently with omitted, is often used, especially in Plato's Dialogues, simply to ask a question, implying an affirmative answer, like ovKovv, or nonne, only with perhaps still stronger affirmative implication. G. 282, 3 ; H. A. 1015, b. Kender : do you not, etc. 21. . . . , ?, with the fut. ind., em- phasizes the future fact; with the aor. subj. the present purpose. The former = how they shall be; the latter = how they may be. Eender: Do you not mahe it a question of much importance hoic the young shall be of the best character possible? G. 217; H. A. 885; M. and T. 45. 23. yi , especially (ye) since it so concerns you, or even more vague, since you are so careful. The participle is used in ace. abso- lute, with its subject the suggested thought of the previous clause. G. 278, 2 ; H. A. 973, a. 24. ^ . . . ^-, the one who is corrupting them. It is in emphatic contrast to de ,which is also made emphatic by prolepsis. H. A. 878. e/Ae is appositive and explanatory of ^^- , and together with that is the object both of ^and eiVayetf. ?, literally, bring in, sc. to court, cf. 29, A: . . . els . Here, however, it is followed by a dative of the persons, before whom he is brought, sc. the judges {). Either the magistrate or the prosecutor might be said eyev, though more properly the former. It may usually be rendered impeach, or prosecute. E. 4. ovToi, ..., these the judges. 8. ". ^l^ Cf. note, 22, A. 9. . The spectators, at trials of

128 ' NOTES. [25, . 55 any interest before the Heliaea, were very numerous, thus bringing that court still more under popular influence. 25 A. 10. oi €. The members of the ,or sen- ate, of which there were two, the Senate of the Areopagus and the Senate of Five Hundred. Both kinds of senators are perhaps here intended. 11. ' apa, ... But then, Mele- tus, do those in the assejndly, the cLssemhlymen, corrupt the young? The implies a negative answer, and here suggests some fear or anxiety, lest it may be so. apa (not apd) is used as suggesting that this is the only class left. 17. . G. 173, 2, IST. ; H. A. 752. The in comp. gives disadvan- tageous or hostile sense to the verb. B. 18. 01 pev /SeXr/ows noiovvres airrovs, SO. ,sup- plied from the preceding clause, of which this is explanatory, and therefore without a connective. 20. . is to be taken as an appositive of the previous sentence, or a resumption of its thought, independent of con- struction. It may be considered as either nom. or ace. G. 137, N. 3 ; H. A. 626, b. 24. ^, altogether so no douM, whether you and Anytus deny it or not. , instead ' of , follows the conditional particle (e'ai/), because it unites with to convey one idea, € = deny. 27. et . . . €€. The use of the ind. pres. implies a kind of ironi- cal assent to the truth of the supposition : if (really, as you aflirm) only one corrupts them. G. 227, 1; H. A. 901, b. oi aXXoL, the rest, all others. C. 27. yap, hut it is not SO, for ; or hut really, cf. note, 20, C. 28. MAr/re . . . apeXeiav . . . €€. A play upon the name: Careful One, you show your want of care, ^56^ that you have never cared, etc. 3. elaayeis, cf. note, 24, D. 4. ? /. The ? seems to be placed be- tween and €€ to carry out the play on the name in the foregoing sentence : Thou before Zeus, Careful One. Notice, however, Mem. 71, D : ^ ^/. Cases are more numerous where we have with the voc. omitted. 7. aet . . . , aet, preceded by the art. and followed by a part, means, in every case, i. e., in every instance^ in which the supposition holds.

25, D.] NOTES. 129 D. 11. KeXevet . The very words of 56 the law are cited by Demosthenes in his Second Oration against Stephanus : /zos•. iiravayK^s eivai \ ^, . 16. ,at my time of life, sc. so old, i. e., 70, cf. 17, D. €, at your time of time, sc. so young, cf. note, 23, E. The words both mean the same, viz., either so old or so young, according to the connection. E. 23. , the active of takes two accusatives, and one is retained with pass. H. A. 724. 23. . . . ov8eva, sc. €€ . So in the next clause, there is an ellipsis of with , and still further on of not&p with . Throughout this passage Socrates manifestly takes the ground that virtue is coextensive with knowledge. It is impossible for any man to injure others without injur- ing himself; and no man who really l•nows this, will wrong another any sooner than he would injure himself, which no one ever does intentionally. Such is his argument here. So in Xen. Mem. in, 9, 5, he reasons, that no man who Jonows temperance, justice, and moral excellence, would prefer any- thing else to these virtues. These virtues, therefore, are all resolvable into knowledge or wisdom. Every man does what seems to him best, and if he knows Avhat is best, he will do it, and therefore do right. See also Xen. Mem. iv, 2, 20 ; Arist. Ethic. Eudem. 1, 5 ; Protag. 315; Gorg. 460; and Prof. Woolsey's remarks upon it in his Introduction. Page B. 9. oTi , €, sc. € ^26 TOVS vecoTepovSy repeated from above. 11. ov , ... is the obj. of placed where it is for emphasis. 13. 6 Xoyos €, of wJiom our discussion now is. is objective genitive, = ovs Xeyopev. C. 16. Kal avTos apa, and I myself accordingly. 18. ,..., not however the same as the city indeed recog- nizes, but others, and this is what you accuse me of, that (I teach them to believe that there are) others; or do you say that I l•oth do not believe in any gods at all myself, and that I teach others this doctrine. Observe the correlation of ovre —re, in the last member of this somewhat complicated and

130 NOTES. [26, D. 51 irregular sentence. Beovs usually omits the article after ,- , -, etc., = believe in gods. D. 22. Iva Ti, with verb omitted, cf. Lex. ; also H. A. 612. The idiom was, however, so established that a Greek would probably be unconscious of the ellipsis. 23. ovbe . . . oiSe, not simply correlative, like ovre . . . € = neither . . . nor^ but emphatic = not even . . . nor yet. Cf. note, 18, C. The language implies that it was quite incredible that Socrates should not believe even in gods so universally recognized as the sun and the moon. For the omission of the article with and ^, cf. H. A. 663. 24. , SC. ^which is understood from the foregoing question. is not of itself negative ; hence it may be used with either or ; but when preceded by neither of these particles, a negative clause precedes or follows, or it is clear from the context and from an accompanying adversative particle, that the sentence is to be understood as negative. Cf. G. 163 ; H. A. 723 ; see also Lex. 2Q. .An axagoras of Clazomene taught (according to Diog. Laert. n, 8) that the sun was a mass of hot iron, as some understand it, or stone, as Socrates takes it here and Xen. Mem. ly, 7, 7, and the moon an earthy body, like our own planet. There was the more plausibility in im- puting to Socrates the doctrines of Anaxagoras, since Soc- rates was a disciple of Archelaus Physicus, who was a disciple of Anaxagoras. 28. elbivai. For , instead of ^ see note on ov , 25, . 2. ^ , and so now, etc. The sentence which follows is ironical, cf. , 27. 3. is the object of .. et ,,for a drachma at the very highest, ,like ,is gen. of price. This was the highest price which the managers could lawfully demand, for a seat in the theatre. The common price was two oboli (Dem. de Cor. 28), which was paid out of the treasury. Cf. Boeckh's Pub. Econ. xUh. ii, 13; Beck. Char. Ex. Sc. 10; and Smith's Die. Antiqq. The doctrines of the philosophers were brought upon the stage, partly to be commended, as by Euripides in his tragedies, partly to be ridiculed, as by Aristophanes in his comedies. Some have thought that the

27, .] NOTES. 131 allusion is not to the performances on tlie stage, but to the sale » of the books of Anaxagoras at the orchestra. Of. Schleier- macber ad loc. But as Forster well remarks, we never read of book sales there. See also Journal of Philology (English), vol. X, pp. 37, 38. 5. '? re , ..., especially when they are so absurd; literally, for other reasons and also (in particular) they heing so alsurd. 6. ,thus entirely and absolutely. 8. "y ei . . . doKels. Of. note on €t>, 18, A. A. 13. eoLKe . . . ,for he seems UL• one hav- 27 ing composed (i. e., he seems to have composed) as it were an enigma, testing the question, Whether will Socrates, the wise man forsooth, Tcnow, etc. In the earlier editions is in- serted between the two participles. But Plato often uses two or more participles without a connective, especially when, as here, the action expressed by one participle is preliminary to that expressed by the other—he seems to have composed as it were an enigma in order to test. Of. Gorg. : iavTTjv €, vnodvaa, .. = having divided herself into four parts and thus put on, or i7i order to put on, etc. For the use of the part, after iOiKe, cf. G. 280; H. A. 981. The nom. would be possible. Compare note on with the part. 21, B. 14. € .,though usually followed by the ace, sometimes takes the gen. in common with other verbs denoting mental state. Jelf, 485. 17, 7€ tip. Of. note, 17, D. 20. ^ . . . \iyeip, how it is clear to me that he is speahing thus, sc. contradictions. B. 23. ip , in my usual method, sc. of question and answer, with common illustrations. 26. «\ , one after another, again and again. The ace. is cognate. 3. ro eVt , the question which follows, i. e., in 5 order and thought. 0. 4. ^ elpai. datpopia is here constructed as an adjective. So Oicero translates 6 by divinum quiddam, de Div. 1, 54. Schleiermacher and Stallbaum (see their notes ad loc.) argue, that Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle understood it to be used in this sense in the indictment. Certainly if he could have taken it as a noun

132 NOTES. [27, D. Pagre 59 (meaning divinities, instead of an adjective meaning divine things), it would have been far easier for Socrates to show the glaring inconsistency of his accuser, and he might have spared all his argumentation and illustration drawn from , ,etc. The expression in the indictment had reference to those divine voices or monitions which Socrates professed to hear and obey as the guide of his hfe (cf. 31, D, and notes ibid.), and which would more properly be called divine things, than divinities. 5. a>s : what a service you have rendered—how olliging you are—que tu m'oblige. Cousin. Al. . = tandem aliquando, Stallb. 8. ' ovv ye ,hut then I helieve in divine things at all events, sc. whether they be old or new, i. e., though they be new ones as charged in the in- dictment. 9. ?! = ,cf. note, 19, B, and Fischer's note ad loc. D. 13. Oeovs ye nalbas. The word €, In Homer and the early Greek poets, is synonymous with ; in Plato and other writers of his day it denotes more especially the inferior deities constituting an inter- mediate and connecting link between the superior gods and men ; and in Plutarch and some of the latest Greek classics, it sometimes signifies bad as well as good beings of a super- human order, thus approaching to the Kew Testament sense of demons or evil spirits. Cf. Symp. 202, : € ,,.. 16. . . . ^-€, this would de wherein I say (27, A) that you speah riddles and joTce, to say that I who do not 'believe in gods, on the other hand do again believe in gods, since at all events I believe in demons. The last clause repeats the premise (al- ready laid down at the beginning of the sentence) in closer connection with the main point in the conclusion—a practice not unfrequent with Plato, and one of many by which his style is made to resemble the language of conversation. 20. ;) ,from whom you Tcnow they are said to be. The preposition () is often omitted before the relative after having been inserted before the antecedent. H. A. 1007. 23. j; [] . Forsterus delendam censebat banc particu-

2% .] NOTES. 133 lam (^); sine caussa idonea; nam dici possunt, et 59 TraiBes, et TraiBes. Fischer. That is, mules may have horses or also asses for their male parents, for the case to be illustrated limits the comparison to male parents. E. 25. limits (; €€£denotes the end in view =/or the purpose of testing me^ and the cause = because you were at a loss. 27. Be , ... But that you should persuade any man possessed of the least un- derstanding^ that it is the part of the same man to believe in things pertaining both to demons and to gods, and the same man not to believe either in demons or gods or heroes, is be- yond the scope of human ingenuity, lit., there is no means by which (?) you could persuade, etc. I have inclosed oi in brackets (as does also Cron), because, though found in most of the MSS., and therefore inserted by Becker and Stallbaum, neither they nor any other editor has been able to explain or translate it, and it is omitted by Forster, Fischer, Ast, Schleiermacher, and Cousin. ^^e^ 4. ' yap. Cf. note, 25, 0. Socrates here brings the 28 direct defense to a close, saying that it does not require much argument, since what he has to fear is not the indictment or the prosecutors, but the multitude—not the evidence or the argument, but popular prejudice and passion. What follows is intended, not so much to avert the sentence which he an- ticipates from the judges or even to deprecate the displeasure of the people, as to vindicate his character, assert his mission, and bear witness to the truth, that more impartial judges may appreciate his merits—that a better age may honor him, as a missionary and a martyr. 9. \ . . . ^, and this it is which will convict me, if indeed it should lead to my convic- tion. 10. ' . . . . This clause is an emphatic repe- tition and explanation of the at the beginning. Such colloquial repetitions (cf. note, 27, D) are especially frequent in antithetic clauses. 12. ovbh be deivov iv e/xot ^, and there is no reason to fear lest it should (that it will) stop with me, i. e., that I shall be the last victim. B. 13. ovK ^. Etra in questions implies aston- ishment or indignation, as does surprise and wonder, cf. 12

134 NOTES. [28, c. Page 6 note, 20, D. 17. are taken together as a limiting gen. , , literally, the risk of living or dying, i. e., the question of life or death. 18. avhpa, a man emphatically, not merely a human being, . It is the subject of --. . . . ? , who is of any use, however little, : takes the person to whom it belongs, or of whom it is predicaterl, in the genitive. See examples in the Lexicon. With the sentiment of this passage compare Crito, 48. 0. 22. ot Te = especially ; literally, loth tJie others and (in particular) the son of Thetis. For ? re = especially, cf. note, 26, E. The allusion is to Achilles, Hom. II. xviii, 90-125. 23. tl €, in comparison with (properly, alongside of) submitting to any- thing dishonordhle. 25. ^eo? , being a goddess, and there- fore able to foretell the future. 26. (€9. G. 199, isT. 3 ; H. A. 816, 12. Render : if you shall avenge the murder of Patrochis your friend. 28. yap , ... ; the very words of Thetis to her son, II. xviii, 96. This quotation in- terrupts the sentence, and instead of a clause depending on € (1. 24), w^hich should regularly have followed, it goes on 61 with an independent clause connected by . 2. .The article is unusual with as abstract. D. 3. ? denotes the state in which to live were to be dreaded more than death : to live being a bad man, that Is, an unfaithful friend and a cowardly soldier. 4. . . . . Parts of two Homeric verses (II. xviii, 98 and 104) brought together. Q. . . . otet, you do not suppose, do you, implies a neg. answer. G. 282, 2 ; H. A. 1015. 7. yap €€. Cf . note, 17, D. 8. oh av, wherever. 9. apxovTos . Anacolothon for ,which w^ould correspond with ;instead of which we have ], corresponding to iavTov ra|?7, as if the first 7 had preceded ^], instead of yevo. 11. ,before, i. e., mo7'e than the dishonorable. E. 12. ( elpyaapevos. Heindorf makes ^^here, as he says it often is, equivalent to . But Stallbaum,

29, .] NOTES. 135 Page with good reason, renders € €, I should have 6i perpetrated (not merely done). 13. el, ore € . . , roVe . . . be ^ , . . , if, when on the one hand the commanders . . . then on the one hand I . . . hut when on the other hand the god . . . then on the other hand /, etc. . . . 4 and Se . . . , with their clauses, seldom ap- pear so regularly and formally balanced. Cf. Jelf, 765, 6. The clauses introduced by contain the main point, which the clauses introduced by only illustrate and enforce. 14. € eiXea^e. The judges are taken as representing the entire people. 16. ^^ (past tense of the ind.) denotes an historical fact; (contingent) implies a mere supposi- tion. The bravery and physical endurance of Socrates, as a soldier, were a prodigy and a proverb in that already some- what degenerate age. In the battle at Delium, the Athenian general Laches declared, that if all the Athenians had fought as bravely as he, the Boeotians would have erected no trophies. It will be observed, that the preposition eVi is used to denote the locahty of this battle, while eV is used with and . Wherever this battle is referred to, it is thus designated eVl (cf. Sen. Mem. iii, 5, 4), whereas in other battles eV is the usual preposition. The reason seems to be, that Delium was properly the name of the temple of Apollo, and, though the city received the same designation, the old association forbade its extension so as to embrace the surrounding country, where the battle was fought. 18. huv is used as appropriate to rather than to ,to which it should belong. The style is conversational. A. 20. beivov ei?;, a strange thing indeed it would le. 29 It is a repetition or resumption of / ' (at the beginning of the section. 21. $• , ? gives em- phasis to some adverbs and adjectives besides superlatives. There is an ellipsis of a corresponding demonstrative (•), and also of an appropriate verb: etVayot (. elaayot eh ^. Cf. note, 24, D. 27. ,to man, i. e., mankind. H. A. 650. 27. ov is at- tracted into the gender of the predicate. B. 1. Kat ,..., and thiSy how is not this ignorance If

136 NOTES. [29, c. 6:i which is to he censured, that of supposing that one hioics what he does not hnow. 3. ^in this respect and here, emphatic repetition in order to limit the superiority strictly to tliis single point. 4. , in anything, dat. of the respect. 5. , sc. elvai, I should say that it was (i. e., that I \^as wiser) in this. 6. corresponds to . eldiasy which is equivalent to ^ olda. 7. ,Koi ,the ietter, whether god or man. 8. ovv , ..., in comparison therefore icith the evils which (, gen. by attraction) / know to de evils, I will never fear nor fee those which I know not if perchance they are good, that is, I will never shun the latter rather than the former—the uncertain rather than the certain. Gf. ,28, D. C. 11. -= ,which Stephens sub- stituted for it in his edition = disobeying, disregarding, with a negative means, not in the first instance, i. e., not at all. 12. eiVeX^eii/ for ^, to he brought in hither for trial, 13. ,to put me to death, i. e., condemn me to death. So Xen. Mem. iv, 8, 5. 14. d Bia- ^. Gr. 202, 4; H. A. 855, a. av . . . eViTT^Seuovres . . . .On the use of av with the fut. ind., which is rare in the Attic Greek and entirely denied by some, see G. 208, 2, at end ; H. A. 845. Stallbaum is inclined here to connect av with €78€5 only = av , , . €€€, . . . . . -. But it is more natural to sup- pose that av gives a contingent sense to also. 18. eVi 4, ' , on this condition, however, that you no longer, etc. ' is equivalent to , and is ac- cordingly followed by the inf. G. 267; H. A. 999, a. D. 20. ovv . . . . ovv is here resumptive = / say. It will be observed that the same protasis is resumed twice—that is, the sentence is commenced w^ith essentially the same condition, varied only in form, three times ( € vvv ... rrpos €' . . . /, eLTTov, ' 9 ^), before the apodosis is sub- joined. In the first instance, the ind. () is used, im- plying some probability of his release ; in the other instances,

29, .] NOTES. 137 Pae the fame condition is expressed as a mere contingency by the 62 use of the opt. {(', )^ corresponding to which we have the opt. with civ ( ) in the apodosis. 22. € \ . est aliquem salutare ita ut eum amplectaris ; ,salutare aliquem ita^ ut cum osculeris. Hoc loco significant haec verba : grata la^toque animo vestram humanitatem et clementiam amplector atque veneror. Stallbauin. 22. 6eS . Cf. Acts , 29, and iv, 19. 24. ov ) . , with the subj. Instead of the fut., is used in strong denial. G. 25T; H. A. 1032. 25. ae't, continually^ from time to time. 26. , ?, deing a citizen of Athens, the greatest city. G. 137, N. 1. 28. , strength of mind, intellectual and moral power, particularly /i)ri/i?<6?6 and the kindred masculine virtues, as appears from what follows. Compare the glorifi- cation of Athens in the funeral oration of Pericles. Thuo. II, 35. E. 5. . The present of ef/xt and its compounds is 63 generally used by the Attics in a future sense. So in Eng- lish, I go or am going = I shall or will go. ,^,. Notice the progressive meaning of the words as descriptive of the Socratic method. 7. de, but to say that he does. In Laches, 187, 188, Mcias gives a very similar though more minute account of the manner in which Socrates would hold every one he conversed with to the work of self- examination : " You do not seem to know, that whoever is nearest to Socrates in reasoning, just as in relationship, and whoever approaches him in conversation, even though he should begin to converse at first on some other subject, he will, with infallible certainty, be brought round in the discus- sion, till he is obliged to give an account of himself, in what manner he is now living, and how he has lived his past life; and once caught in it, Socrates will not let him go, tiU he has well and beautifully put all these things to the test . . . and I almost knew, long ago, that our discussion now, being in the presence of Socrates, would not be about the young men, but about ourselves." A. 9. Kat €4 . Cf. \ ^ 30

138 NOTES. [30, . Pago 63 ,29, . Verbs of doinrj and saying more commonly take the indirect as well as the direct object in the ace. G. 165, N. 3. The dat. suggests /or the saTce of. 10. , ly as much as. The full construction would require a correspond- ing demonstrative () with ,denoting the degree of difference. G. 188, 2; H. A. 781, a. 11. €4ma^j hoi followed either bj a gen. or a dat. denoting that to which there is a nearness. G. 182, 2, and 186. That in which^ or in respect to which, the nearness exists, may also be either gen. or dat. But it is not according to usage to put both in the gen. or both in the dat. See Stallbaum's note on the proper reading of this passage, and compare ad rem, as well as ad verba, the passage above cited from Laches ; ts av iy ?fj yevei. 13. € ^ €, my service to the god. The dat. to or for can follow substantives. G. 185 ; H. A. T65, a. 16. ^^ , no, nor so zealously, cf. note on ^' ^17, . . 17. , ... Observe the sentiment, that the higher good includes the lower, as the greater does the less. 20. el . . . . Cf. note, 25, B. 21. ,these instructions and persuasions must he injurious. Compare the argument of Xen. Mem. i, 2, 8 : how then could such a man corrupt the young, unless the cultivation of virtue is corrupting. 22. ovdev Xeyet, he says nothing, that is, he is utterly mistaken. Cf. Laches, 195, ; . 1: ,, ,avTos tolovtos . .. , > ^• \ . . So is to say something, i. e., to speak well and truly, cf. Crit. 46, D; Xen. Mem. ii, 1, 12. irpos , wherefore, literally, in reference to these things, in view of them. 23. . . . , that is. Unconditionally—don't propose any condi- tional acquittal, like that suggested 29, C; since I would not on any condition (av refers to an implied condition) do differ- ently, not even if I mu^t die (strictly and emphatically be dead) many times over, ? has its ordinary subjective effect. G. 277, .2; H. A. 978. Notice av with future participle is

30, c] NOTES. 139 a peculiar apodosis representing . Cf. 29, C; . 63 and T. 41, 4 ; p. 58, 1. 3, and reference there. 0. 26. Mtj 6€. Of. note, 21, A. Socrates here enters upon another topic, and discourses upon it with such freedom and boldness, such a consciousness of his own inno- cence not merely, but such an assn ranee of his divine mission, and such compassion not for himself but for them if they should reject his instructions and condemn him to death, that they must either recognize his superior wisdom or take offense at his arrogance. Some modern critics even, Ast for example, regard the self-complacency of this and some other parts of the Apology as quite insufferable, quite un-Socratic. But is there not the Socratic irony here ? Are there not at the same time Socratic truthfulness, fearlessness, and earnestness? It should be remembered that he presents himself throughout as vindicating, not so much himself as truth and justice, philosophy and reHgion, and God. 27. ^^ oh (^ . Stand ly what I asTced of you. Cf. 17, D. is the ethical dat., and may be expressed by pray. 1. \\> ^^ yap ovv, for I am about now (ovv, accordingly, in accordance with that request) to say also some other things at which per- haps you will cry out. This clause is connected by yap ovv (more closely than it would be by yap alone), not to the clause which immediately precedes, but to the previous one (eja/zeiVare, ...). 6. ovde yap av ,for they would not even be aMe, sc. if they wished, av referring to an implied condition. G. 226, b ; 11. A. 903. D. 6. . . . €= nefas, not in accordance with the law of nature and of God, and therefore not possible in the nature of things. Schleiermacher: nicJit in der Ordnung. Cousin : pjas . . . au pouvoir. Stallbaum : neque legibus divi- sapientim respondere. 7. /, /(?7• a better man to be injured by a worse^ instead of ^avhpa, that a better man, etc., the design being to link it more closely with ov . . . ehai. This famous saying of Socrates has been widely quoted and commented on from the earliest times. Cf. Epic. Encheir. 52 ; Max. Tyr. Diss. 18, 8 ; Plut. de Tranq. 17 ; and not only by philosophers but by the Christian Fathers,

140 NOTES. [30, . Page 64 as Origen, Theodoret, etc. The reason for the assertion, as explained by Plutarch, and illustrated hy Crito, 44, D, is, that bad men, however numerous and powerful, can not make the good man bad or the wise man a fool, and that is the only real evil which can befall a man. anoKreiveLe. Cf. note, £9, C. Here the word not only refers to the condemnation rather than the execution of the sentence, but, like the two verbs which follow, it has a causative sense = procure my condemnation to death, to exile, or to disfranchisement. 8. (€€ denotes (not dishonor in general, as some liave understood it, but) deprivation of civil rights. This might deprive of all rights and privileges, or do so only in part, , ..., but these this man (viz., the prosecutor) ^jrolallij supposes, and many anofher man perchance, to be great evils. here gives an indefinite extension and appli- cation to aXkos, like many a in English. 10. ,intell. ' . Stallb. 12. 4 virep ) ^, am very far from mahing a defense for my oicn sake. Observe the emphatic insertion and juxtaposition of with virep €= for myself. H. A. 1062. 14. , dat. after «/. Cf. note, 80, A. Socrates means that he vas given or sent to the Athenians by Apollo to be their monitor and reprover. . 16. ^. . . ^^, really, though the com- parison may de too ridiculous, attached to, etc. ,besides the passive sense of being attached to, involves also the active signification of pressing upon ov following up, as a gadfly does a horse, to suit which the word was chosen. yeXoiarepov. H. A. 649, b. The clause explains instead of the more regular construction with . 19. may mean a spur or a gadfly. Ficinus, Schleiermacher, Ast, Cousin, and some others, take it here in the former sense. But the epithets ^^, ^,and ,apply better to a gadfly. Moreover, this makes the comparison more laughable (/), and is more in the spirit of the Socratic irony. So Forster, Stallbaum, Carey, etc. 20. olov , as for instance note, introduces the explanation or application of the simile of the gadfly. Such is the prevailing use of olov by Plato.

31, .] NOTES. 141 Pa^e 64 . 25. is often strengtliened by oV, and is 31 equivalent to mayhap, . . . €66,€. The reader will observe the singular succession of participles. Some of them may be rendered into English by verbs; av gives a potential sense to the participle (€), G. 207, 1 ; H. A. 987, a: dut you mayhap ieing offended^ just like sleepers when they are roused out of sleep^ would (will) dash at me^ and hearkening to Anytus^ rashly put me to death. 26. Kpovaavres still keeps up the allusion to the gadfly. So does (-^^^, send upon you. 1. on ' eycb ,..., but that I am 65 just () such a person^ as to have been giden hy the god to the city., you might discern from this fact. The thing to be proved is that his character is such, that he migbt well be supposed to have a divine mission ; and the proof is his self-forgetfulness and disinterested devotedness to the highest good of others, which, he argues, is something more than Imman ( ). Compare Cousin's translation and Stallbaum's note ad loo. ^^. G. 261 ; H. A. 952. B. 5. ^, to suffer my private affairs to le neglected. It will be seen, from the €, that both €€ and express continued past action, in other words, they are imperfects. 10. € civ , I should have some reason, i. e., my conduct would be explicable on ordinary grounds without supposing a divine mission. 12. . . . ,to reach this (such a) pitch of shamelessness. G. 159, N. 2; H. A. 716, b. in the verb is emphatic, to le so utterly shameless. 0. 14. €. . . ,that I ever either exacted or asked pay of any one. ^= exigere (ex-agere)^ ausmachen, make money, . . . nevlav, for sufficient, I think, is the witness (observe the article )I bring forward, that I speak the truth, viz., my (well-known) pov- erty : ,pred. use of adj. Ad rem, cf. note, 23, B. 18. ,unemphatic. Socrates, like other citizens, was obliged to be present in the assembly.

142 NOTES. [31, D. 65 D. 21. Belov ,something divine and de- moniacal^ if we maj be allowed to use the word demoniacal in its etymological sense of superhuman^ or proceeding from €9. Cf. note, 27, D. 22. ^, calumniating or satirizing after tbe manner of the ancient comedy. The reference is to the erepa of the indictment, 24, B. 24. ae\ . . . Trporpenei €. Ast makes this statement an argument against the Platonic authorship of the Apology, as being inconsistent with what Xenophon (Mem. lY, 8, 5) and others say of the positive as well as negative character of the divine influence. But the same declaration is made almost in the same words in the Theages, 128, D. So Cicero likewise understood it, de Div. 1, 54: nunquam iinpellenti, sajpe revocanti. And though Xenophon, and Plato himself in other passages (e. g., Phsed, 242, B, C ; Theoet. 151. A), appear to ascribe to the voice a persuasive as well as dissuasive influence, that is only a general statement of the fact, whereas here we have a more deflnite and pre- cise explanation of the manner; for, after all, the discrepancy is more apparent than real, since a dissuasive from all that he should not do, involved instruction in all that he should do. Cf. 40, A, B, C ; also Schleiermacher's note ad loc. As to the nature of this voice, or sign or oracle, as he elsewhere calls it ( . . . ^, 40, ), there has always been much discussion, and the question may still perhaps be said to be sub jadice. Some have sup- posed that Socrates believed himself to be under the guidance of a particular , guardian genius or tutelar divinity, whose special, if not sole ofiice, was to lead and protect him. But no such idea would be gathered from this, nor indeed from any other passage in Plato or Xenophon, where this subject is mentioned. Others have gone to the opposite ex- treme and have come to the conclusion that the of Socrates was nothing more tlian the voice of reason, con- sidered as the voice of God, in his own soul. But this falls as far below the demands of the passage before us—of the appropriate significance of the language of Socrates—as the other goes beyond and superadds to it. After a diligent

31, .] NOTES. 143 comparison of the language of Plato and Xenoplion, together 65 with such light as Plutarch, Cicero, and subsequent writers have shed on the subject, I find scarcely any room left for doubt that Socrates meant by his , and eelav ,very nearly that same divine teaching and guidance which good men in every age have believed to be communi- cated to themselves, and to all who seek it by prayer and in the use of proper means—partly within the soul, and yet not from within but from above—partly by outward signs, omens, oracles, dreams, and visions. Cf. below 33, C; e/c € €, ... Certainly the Apology gives us no in- timation of a tutelary divinity peculiar to himself, and in the Memorabilia, Socrates explicitly declares, that the same divine teaching is within the reach of all men. Cf. below^, 40, A, B, C; Xen. Mem. i, 1, 3, 4; i, 4, 15, 18; iv, 8, 13; iv, 8, 1. See also an interesting discussion of this question in Plutarch, De Genio Socratis. 24. is the object of ,which is transferred to the relative clause = -^€. . gen. after anoTpenci. 28. .lie would be allowed to take part in public life from the age of 20. Paffo E. 1. . . . . Tliis form of the plupcrfect 66 is common in Plato, though not to the exclusion of the com- mon form, cf. /8€ . . . TJBciv, 22, D. G. 119, 4; 11. A. 458, a. Observe the repetition of uv in each disjunctive clause ( . , . . . . () and compare the examples in Stallb. here and at Gorg. 475, E. 3. yap . . . € € ovdevX . . . (.striking repetition of the negative. Socrates shows hiin- Belf no demagogue or even democrat. In this, he had the company and sympathy of most of the literary men and philosophers of Athens, who, as a class, cherished little re- spect or affection—and had little rciison, in their personal relations to it, to cherish respect or affection —for the Athenian democracy. But more than this, the unbending integrity and firmness of Socrates placed him often in the attitude of oppo- sition to the existing government, whether democratic or aristocratic, insomuch that he was deemed quite an impracti-

144 NOTES. [32, . 6o cable. Compare his resistance to tlie popular assembly as described below, 32, B, with his refusal to obey the tliirty tyrants in the arrest and " rendition " of a fugitive from op- pression, 32, D; Xen. Mem. iv, 4, 2, 3. 32 A. 7. d . el, even if, is to be distinguished from €1 , although, ei concedes what is not true, or what is true only to a limited degree (the limit here being marked by ); el concedes what is true, simply and without degrees. Cf. Hermann ad Viger. 832 ; Stallb. ad loc. ; and H. A. 1053, 2, a. 8. €€. In Xen. Mem. I, 6, 15, Socrates gives as a reason for not engaging in public affairs, that he coald do more to control and benefit the state by educating as many others as possible to be good citizens and able statesmen, than he could by undertaking the aifairs of state in his own person. 13. ovd' av ev\ vetoL, I would not yield in the least to any one wliatever. old' . . . evl is more emphatic than ov8evL. ^: for the form, cf. G. 119, 11 ; H. A. 494. The verbs of this form have been taken as intensive, but examples fail to prove that they differ in meaning from the simple forms. It remains also a matter of question whether they should be treated as presents or aorists, though this verb is now generally taken as the latter. 14. v7ev de, ..., and as soon as I did not yields just 80 soon I should perish. The first ^ belongs with €^the second, strengthened by , with . 15. ,displeasing and wearisome indeed, has reference primarily to pleadings in the courts of law, which are apt to be tediously minute and circumstantial. Some take it here in the sense of hoastful. It is fair to say that the exact meaning of these words is not very well estab- lished. B. 16. ^ . . . €/3€ he, I never held any other office, hut I was made a member of the (council of five hundred). See the same fact, and ^ouXeueij/ used in the same sense, Xen. Mem. i, 1, 18. For the use of the aor. to signify entrance upon the office, cf. G. 200, N. 5, b ; H. A. 841. 17. ,the trile to which Socrates belonged, viz., Antiochis. 18. ,presiding, i. q., furnishing

32, .] NOTES. 145 tlie prytanes, wbo acted as presidents both of the council and It of the popular assembly. Each of the ten tribes chose bj lot fifty representatives in the council, and these representa- tives, or the tribe through them, presided during about one tenth of the lunar year, or thirty-five days. Moreover, these fifty representatives of the tribe were subdivided into five bodies of ten men each, each of which presided during a fifth part of the presidency of the tribe, i. e., about one week. Out of these ten proedri (as they were called) for the week, an or chief president was chosen by lot, who held the keys of the pubhc treasury and archives, and presided as chairman in the council and also in the assembly for one day. Socrates was on that day when the fate of the ten generals was to be decided, and refused to put the illegal proposition to vote in the assembly. Cf. Xen. Mem. iv, 4, 2 : cV Tois € yevo^evos. tovs deKa .The Athenians chose ten generals, one for each tribe, at the commencement of a war. Sometimes they were all in the field together. More frequently, however, only three were sent out to carry on the war, while the others took charge of the war department at home. In the case before us, the battle at Arginusse, only eight were actually present. For the details, see Xen. Hellen. i, 7. 19. rovs aviko^ivovs^ 'iicho did not hring away for hurial the bodies of the slain. They were victorious in the battle (over the Lacedemonians at Arginusie), and in order to pursue the enemy, they left the care of the dead to some of the inferior officers, instead of attending to it in person. For this they were accused before the assemlily, and, in spite of the intervention of Socrates, condemned, and six of them actually put to death. The fact illustrates in a striking manner the sacred interest and im- portance which the Greeks attached to the rite of burial. Though they had gained the victory, the generals had not done their duty ov finished their work, till the dead were buried. So the Iliad was not deemed complete till the burial rites of the heroes, Achilles and Hector, were narrated in the 23d and 24th Books; and the Ajax and Antigone of Sophocles are prolonged to considerable extent beyond the 13

146 NOTES. [32, c. 66 catastrophe for tlie same purpose—to put the minds of Grecian hearers and readers at rest from that pious horror which thej entertained of remaining unburied. Had certain critics of the Homeric poems considered this matter dulr, they would not have found in the last two books an argument against the unity of the Hiad. For the account of the feeling at Athens, of. Grote, Part II, chap. Ixiv. tovs .Cf. G. 191, . 6 ; . . 788 and a. 20. ,together, by one vote, cf. , Xen. Mem. i, 1, 18. . The law required that the vote should be taken separately, cf. Xen. Hel. I, 7, 37 : ^ 8 €. . . . edo^e. Xeuophon says (Hel. i, 7, 39), they soon repented of it, and punished the authors of the measure as deceivers of the peo- ple. 21. eyo) , ... The pry tan es all opposed at first, but when threatened with the vengeance of the people, they all gave in except Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus. Xen. Hel. I, 7, 15. 22. ttoulv. G. 283, 6; H. A. 1029. Compare, however, 31, D and E. It is to be noticed that \does not take with its inf. ivhciKvivai Koi €,to indict me and lead me away to punishment. As Attic law terms, these verbs signify an especially summary pro- ceeding w ithout the formality or delay of a criminal prosecu- tion. See Lex. under ei/Sei|is• and ;. 25. .See in Xen. Hel. i, 7, 13, 14, the tumult and uproar of the meeting. Ige C 1. // Se . . . ol . There was always an oligarchic faction at Athens, who were aided and sustained by Lacedeiponian influence; and when, at the close of the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedemonians triumphed, they placed thirty of this faction in the supreme power, who were afterward known as tJie thirty (or the thirty tyrants). The noun added to the numeral is a later expression. 2. pe , myself and four others. . A. 681, b. ets .The round building where the fifty prytanes held their sittings and dined together at public expense, used also by the thirty. Compare the round temple of Vesta in Eome, which was the fireside or hearthstone of the early Eomans. 3. /. A native of Salamis, but a citizen of Athens, P«i

82, D.] NOTES. 147 wlio had withdrawn to Salamis to escape the power of the tyrants. 6. ^ to implicate in their own crimes. D. 7. , again^ or in turn, sc. as in the case of the ten generals under the democracy. So av above, 1. 2. He re- sisted the democracy and the oligarchy alike in their wrong doings. 8. et ,if it were not too rude (rustic) an expression, is an apology for the use of ovh' in such a connection as would probably offend the polite ears of the Athenians. Cf. Euthyd. 283, ; Gorg. 509, A. 9. , for this, I say, I care everything, is an adverbial or synecdochial ace, the exact opposite of ovK . 10. e/xe ^ , ..., for me (emphatic both in form and position) that gove'^^nment (of the thirty), strong as it then was, did not so terrify. 13. rjyayov .He was put to death. Xen. Hel. ii, 8, 89. o'Uade, went immediately home. 15. 8 = .The government of tbe Thirty Tyrants lasted only about eight months before Thrasybulus advanced against them. It was then some months later before peace was established. E. 17. Toadde €, SO many years as I have lived. 18. €. The imperf. denotes continued action. 19. ?, the things that are just = justice, , as one ought always to do—this is implied in the present. 21. ov8e yap av akXos ovbeis, SC. dieyevero, would have lived so many years. A. 23. ,shall he found (on examination) 33 such a man, sc. one who has never fallen in with any one in anything contrary to justice, as explained by the following clause. 26. eivai. Socrates was charged by his enemies with the crimes of Critias and Alcibiades, the one the prince of demagogues and the other the leader of the Thirty Tyrants. They had indeed listened to his conver- sations ; but neither they nor indeed any other man (he pro- ceeds to say) were his disciples, for he had no disciples, and never professed to be a teacher. Hence he never called his hearers ,but ol €9. See this whole topic dis- cussed at length, Xen. Mem. i, 2. 27. ret ,my proper

148 NOTES. [33, . Page 67 business, mj appointed mission, already described as assigned liim bj Apollo. 6S B. 1. gives emphatic denial to both clauses as unified by /LteV and . 2. , SC. ,h^t in case I do not receive pay, not converse. 3. . . . /,I give lilerty to question me to ricJi and poor allTce, and if any one choose to answer my question, and hear what I may say^ I give him liberty to do that, is to be sup- plied from the previous clause. For the voice of €, of. G. 261, 2, R ; H. A. 952, a. Compare Gorgias, 480, D, iap ye rvTrreiv . 5. . . . . . . . Of (in respect to) tJiese (alleged disciples) I should not justly l•ear the responsibility^ to no one of whom I ever promised^ etc. - 0. 13. OTL aKovovTes ,... The same words are used above, 23, C. There, however, the participle aKovovres stands last, and is followed by its proper case, the genitive, ,Ac.r.X., "whOe here the verb follows the participle and is followed by its appropriate case, the dative, viz., €€, ..., I told you the whole truth, viz., that they enjoy hearing examined those who thinlc they are icise dut are not. 16. , sc. to examine those who suppose that they are wise but are not. ? , resumptive of the claim as made before. 17. . Among these ways, Xenophon (Mem. i, 1, 3) specifies ,,,. 20. ,strictly, easy to he confuted; but here, easy to he tested and proved, el yap , for if really. D. 21. , they ought surely. The imperf. im- plies that they were not doing it. G. 222, IT. 2 ; H. A. 897. eire rives . . . vsois ,..\., doth if any of them^ after having become older, became conscious that when they were young, etc. Instead of the correlative member of the sentence begins with the more emphatic el . So below, 40, D, E, ' '. . . ^ . So is sometimes antithetic to , and to . 2. , themselves, in contradistinc- tion from their relatives. So in the previous clause. 28. depends on in the antithetic member-of

33, .] NOTES. 149 Pace the sentence, the force of which still continues. 1. ivTav6oi. 6d H. A. 788, h. 2. , this Crito here. His name has become identified with that of Socrates, as his friend and patron, and is perpetuated in the Platonic dialogue, or rather monologue, called Crito. He was a wealthy Athenian, of the same de7ne () or ward as Socrates, viz., Alopcce, and now, it seems, like him, far advanced in life. The son Crito- bulus seems to have evoked great admiration for his beauty, but as an example of enlarged manhood to have done litile credit either to his father or his teacher. Cf. Xen. Mem. i, 3, 8 seqq. ; Athen. 220, A; Xen. Symp. iv, 10. E. 3. Ava-avias. Cf. Diog. Laert. 2, 60. 6 29, of the deme Sphettus. It was customary at Athens to add by way of distinction to the name of the individual the ward to which he belonged, and often also the name of his father. The same object was accomplished at Rome, as it also is in modern times, by several names. 4. ,usually called the Socratic, to distinguish him from the orator of the same name. Ue established no school of philosophy, but taught the doctrines of his master for money, and wrote Socratic dialogues. The extant dialogues, however, which bear his name are not genuine. 6 ^, of the deme Cephisia. This Antiphon is to be distinguished from the orator and from several others of the same name. The son, Epigenes, is men- tioned by Xenophon (Mem. iii, 12), as well as by Plato in his Phsedo, 59. 5. ,moreover^ is not inferential but transi- tional, as it often is in the orators as well as the philosophers. Cf. Stallb. ad loc, also Schaefer ad Demosth. Several of the names which follow are found only here, e. g., Nicostratus, Theodotus, Paralus, and ^antodorus. Touching Demodocus, see Theag. 127, E; Adeimantus, brother of Plato, de Repub. 357-368, 548; Apollodorus, Phasd. 59, A, 117, D; Xen. Mem. Ill, 11, 17. Apollodorus was a most ardent and devoted fol- lower of Socrates. Theages and Plato also were favorite disciples. 8. ^^^ = Latin, deprecari, sensus est : non potest Theodotus Nicostratum fratrem rogare, ne me accuset et contra me testetur. Stallb. A. 13. is correlative to et . The lest 34

150 NOTES. [31, . Page 69 time for Meletus to call some of these witnesses —the time Avhen he ought especially to have called them —was in the course of his argument before the court ; hut if he forgot it then, etc. 15. ,give way, yield him the floor, as we say, or in the technical language of the Greek bar, let him speak or testify during my water (the measure of time by the clepsydra). Cf. Mahaffy, Primer of Old Greek Life, sect. 98. B. 20. av \6yov €€ ^, might have a reason for helping me, i. e., for defending me, right or wrong. 22. ' . Of. note, 20, D. 23. -,... They 'knoio as Meletus Icnoius, etc. Oomp. note, 21, B. 25. /. Of. note, 19, A. Socrates here concludes his direct defense, p.kv . . . €. . . ,and proceeds to justify himself in not resorting to the ordinary means of moving the compassion of his judges and so saving his life. Of. Mahaffy, Primer of Greek Life, sect. 96. 27. ' , ... Such means of acquittal were expressly prohibited by law. Of. Demos, adv. Timocr. ; Xen. Mem. iv, 4, 4. But the law was disregarded, and it was the prevailing practice to bring in the wives and children of the accused, and to resort to all possible ways of exciting the compassion of the judges, as is manifest from many passages of the orators and of Aristoph- anes, e. g., Vesp. 568 sqq. ; Demost. in Mid. 99 ; Isoc. de Perm. 31. Ast thinks the Apology here a manifest imitation of Isocrates in the passage last cited, and therefore not genu- ine; but with how little reason, see Schleiermacher ad loc. 70* 0. 4. Be ov8ev apa, ..., while I, as ought to have been expected {apa), loill do none of these things. 5. \ ,and that, too, when incurring, etc. D. 9. ovK yap , el ' ovv, for I for my part do not expect if, hut if, I say, any one of you is in such a state of mind. For ^, cf. 19, D; for ovv, 21, A. 11. yap ,and well I may have, for in the very language of Eom^r. Ace. in apposition with a sentence, G. 137, IST. 3; H. A. 626, b. So quotations, especially prov- erbs, are often introduced. The quotation is from Od. 19, 163, where Odysseus, in the guise of a beggar, is thus addressed by Penelope. The expression is proverbial, and denotes that

34, .] NOTES. 151 the person to whom it is applied is a man among men, sprung 70 from men and related to tliem. 14. vieis . . . rpels, and sons even, 7nen of Athens, three of them, cf. Crit. 47, B, note. €, a young man, so. Lamprocles, who is called piyas in Pha3d. 65, and is introduced in Xen. Mem. ii, 2, holding a conversation with his father touching his filial duty to his termagant mother. 15. ,small children, sc. Sophronis- cus and Menexenus, cf. Phsed. 3, where they are called .Seneca (Epis. 104) says that the sons of Socrates resembled their mother rather than their father. E. 18. ' ei pev, ..., hut whether I can meet death with confidence or not is another question. He barely hints at this as one reason for his course, but modestly dismisses it as not exactly pertinent on the present occasion. 20. ivpos ' ovv , however that may "be, for refutation "both mine and yours, etc. Cf. note, 17, A. So just below, ' ovv deboypevov, hut whatever may he the fact, it is at least sup- posed. 22. €, sc. seventy, cf. 17, D. ,sc. ,cf. 23, A. 23. yj/evdos, the subs, is often associated with the adj. ,as shown by Heindorf, Ast, and Stall- baum. ' A. 28. Ti . . . 703, a. 2. . . . .35 G. 277, . 3 ; 278, 1, ; . . 978, a; 972, a. 9. \ €, to he even anything whatever, i. e., to have any w^eight of character, however inconsiderable. 14. \he rrjs 8, but irrespective of the reputation, sc. which attaches to me and of which we have been speaking. Observe the force of the article. The emphatic negative should also be no- ticed; it appears to me that it is not even right. The second ovde is not merely correlative to the first, but emphatic = no nor, or nor even, 0. 17. is to pervert justice for the salce of pleasing. So -= mis-use or abuse. 18. , sc. . 8=justice. 6€. The oath of oflSce taken by the ,and the security it afforded, are very often adverted to, particularly by the Attic orators, e. g., Demos, de Cor. 2 and 6. The substance of the oath was that they would administer justice according to the laws so far as

152 NOTES. [35, D. Ti there were laws, and where no laws existed, according to their own best judgment of what was right. Cf. Poll. Ononi. 8, 122; Demos, adv. Lept. 118. 21. €€. The passive has permissive meaning, nor sliould you permit yourselves to be accustomed. Cf. Crito, 48, D : ayo^evoi, permitting our- selves to be taken away. D. 24. re . . . , doth every other icay, to de sure, hut especially when accused of impiety, etc., cf. note on (re , 26, . The expected order is broken suddenly to emphasize the utter inconsistency of such a prop- osition. 25. yap av, cf. note, wanep ovv av, 17, D. 27. Oeovs . . . eipai. Observe the emphatic position of these words, the one at the beginning, the other at the end of the clause : / should teach you not to ielieve in the existence of 7^ the gods. 2. re , sc. ueovs, for I both believe in them, ? ovdeis = more than any. 3. ( ,and commit it to you and the god to decide. This clause is to be closely connected with its correlative clause (T€ . . . . . . eVrpe'), and in that connection it implies, that he shows his belief in the gods practically by his calm reliance on tlie providence of God in this trial for his life. It will be observed that Socrates here uses the sin- gular , though he has been using the plural just before. He may refer to the god at Delphi, of whom he has often before spoken particularly, and in the singular number (cf. iv ,20, , sqq.), and who, having indi- rectly, by means of the oracle, involved him in difficulty, would now provide for the best result; or he may refer to the supreme God, whom he often, as represented in the writ- ings both of Plato and Xenophon, singles out and distinguishes from the inferior deities (cf. Xen. Mem. iv, 3, 13). "With the above words of pious resignation and confidence, Socrates concludes the first and principal part of his defense, and submits the question of guilty or not guilty to his judges. Thej pronounce him guilty by a small majority of votes. The question still remained, what punishment should be inflicted. In all those cases, where the laws do not prescribe the penalty (aycoves )—and charges of impiety were of this sort,

36, .] NOTES. 153 Pago cf. Dem. in Timoc. 702, 5—it was customary for the accuser T2 to propose what he deemed a suitable penalty {}^ and the accused, if he chose, to propose sotue other punishment (or )^ and then the judges decided between these two, no third proposition being admissible. Cf. Grote, vol. viii, chap. 68 ; also Boeckh, Meier and Schu- mann, and Smith's Die. Antiqq. : /? .The accusers of Socrates pronounced him worthy of death. Had Socrates chosen to propose banishment, for instance, in- stead of death, he might doubtless have escaped the extreme penalty, cf. 37, 0; Crit. 52, C. But when he disdained to acknowledge guilt by any counter-proposal, and even claimed reward instead of punishment as his due, the judges took offense and sentenced him to death. His remarks on what he thought the proper sentence constitute the second part of the Apology, capp. 25-29. . 6. TO ayavaKTeiv depends On . The 36 infinitive is emphatic in its position, and suggests a word of prevention, as in the mind. €would regularly take a preposition — els or possibly '?, cf. Rep. 1, 331, B, where the inf. is repeated in els . The article simply marks the infinitive a little more distinctly as the object of the main ac- tion ; otherwise we should expect the infinitive alone. The 4 is correlative to Se at the commencement of the next chap- ter: ' ovv. 7. . G. 178, 2, . ; . . 752. ak\a € . . . , l•otl many other things conspire to cause^ and espe- cially the fact that it has happened to me not unexpectedly^ cf. note on liXkoi re , 28, 0. The full and regular construction would have been \ otc ,..\. ' and its derivatives are used with reference to objects of fear as well as hope. So spes and sperare in Latin, cf. Yerg. At sperate Deos memores fandi atque nefandi. 11. ' ok'iyov . . . . implies comparison^ for I^for my part^ did not suppose it loould he thus hy little^ but l•y much^ sc. that the votes against me would exceed those in my favor. Cf. H. A. 802, near the end. belongs to dXiyov, cf. 40, A: eVt ^, where goes with . 12. el , ... We have accepted here the reading of

154 NOTES. [36, . Page 72 Stallbaum, Cron, and the best MSS., instead of the common reading rpels. If a change of thirty votes would have turned the scale, the majority against Socrates must have been sixty. Diogenes Laertius, ii, 41, as usually interpreted, says that the number of votes against him was 281. Deducting 60 from this number, we have 221 for the number of votes in his favor, and 502 for the whole number of votes cast. But the sections of the Heliastic courts usually consisted of 500 each, or a multiple of 500, with one additional dicast to avoid a tie vote. And if 281 of the 501 dicasts voted against Socrates, only 220 could have voted for him, and then a transfer of 30 votes would not have secured his acquittal. We may suppose, hovever, that he was content with an approximate statement in round numbers. 12. ,fallen over, sc. into the other urn, which received the votes for acquittal. 13. -€€. For this form of the plup. see note, 31, E. 15. , etc. Upon the ,to aid Meletus in the advocacy of his cause, cf. note, 18, B. 17. . The prose- cutor, unless he received a fifth part of the votes, was liable to a fine of a thousand drachmas and also a forfeiture ()of the right to appear as prosecutor in future—a very useful and very necessary check on the virulence of public prosecu- tions in the Athenian courts. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 103 ; in Mid. 23; Boeckh, Pub. Econ. Ath., chap, ix, 11. Socrates argues that Meletus (not being the most popular or influential of the three accusers), if he had been the sole prosecutor, would not have carried more than a third as many votes as were actually gained by the joint influence of the three, and consequently would not have received a fifth part of all the votes. Cf. Schleier. ad loc. to . Observe the force of the article, the required fifth according to the well-known law. Demosthenes (de Cor. 103) uses simply r6 in the same way, the required portion. B. 19. , sc. the accuser, of whom he had just been speaking in the foregoing chapter, is middle voice. The usage in regard to the penalty and counter-penalty (rt- and )has been explained above. 20. -can be taken as ethical dative, a^ias is gen. of price after

36, c] NOTES. 155 Papo ,to be supplied from the question. 21. 17 hrjXov, I'i or is it needless to ask — is it evident^ etc. 22. refers to corporal punishment, to a pecuniary penalty. The question is asked in the words of a judicial formula, cf. Dem. in Timoc. 105. differs from only in being relative and indirect. It may be rendered because, but further indicates surprise or censure. This implication can be ex- pressed in English only by a parenthesis : because I did not Tceep quiet {and what had I tahen into my head^ literally, learned, that I did not). Cf. M. and T. 109, N. 7, b, near the end ; H. A, 968, c. 23. ^ ,sc. ^,sup- plied from ,as often a positive from a corresponding negative word, not caring for those things which the mass care for. 25. ,not the other magistracies, for the specifications which precede are not all magistracies, but the rest, sc. the magistracies, or the magistracies besides. So Gorg. 473, C : \ ^6=\& citizens and the rest, viz., the strangers. So is often used. See Lex. ?ii, 8. . Conspiracies and factions abounded at Athens in the age of Socrates. 27. irruiKeaTepov . . . €' , too upright a man to he safe if I went into these things. is belter established than . Its pregnant meaning with els has a parallel in ^,33, D. Notice also with iia in the next line. For both, cf. H. A. 788. Pagre 0. 1. €here is equivalent to eVi , answering is to eVi TO €€€€, and is redundant : hut to go and con- fer on each individually the greatest benefit, to this (literally, there) I went. 8. tc . . . (,that is, on the principle that the man is more than his property, the state more than its possessions, and in general persons or things more than their appurtenances. The same great principle is often inculcated by our Lord in the gospels, cf. Mat. vi, 25, 33. D. 11. here also is mid. = to amerce myself. Compare E, below : el ovv € a^'ias . 12. , instead of , to make it more indefinite ; such a good of whatever M?id it may be, as, etc. Below we have a still more singular mixing of cor- relatives: , cof, where we should expect

156 ^TES. [36, D. Ta . . . , but find botli forms bronght to- getlier. A similar construction occnrs at 30, A : , except that there is interposed between irp&repov and , and makes the constmction somewhat less concise and abrupt. 13. . Cf. note, 23, B. evepyeTjj, a pullic lenefactoi\ a term of honor, which the Athenians conferred bv formal vote on those who had deserved well of the state, and which foreigners, and even foreign kings and princes, were ambitious to receive. So in Egrpt, Ptolemy Euergetes. \ rrj ^TrapaxekevaeL, for your admonition^ i. e., to instruct you, the adj. taking the place of the oljectite gen. 11. rrpeTrei, see above. 15. ev -. The Prytaneum was a sort of city hail or state house, where the laws and public archives were kept, where some of the magistrates had their meals, and entertained, at the public expense, not only ambassadors from .foreign states, but citizens who had deserved well of the state. Cron says, "as table companion of certain oflBcials. 2Sot of the archons who ate in the ,nor of the prvtanes who ate in the ^JXos, but apparently of certain priests." To be thus entertained was the highest honor. Socrates claims it as a (^^/ who has rendered the most useful services to the state, and also as affording him the requisite leisure, that he might devote himself whoUy to the instruction of the citizens. 16. TTokv y€ . Yictors in the public games were hon- ored with entertainment at the Prytaneum. Socrates claims the honor as due to himself rnych more at least than to such. ,a race-Tiorse under a rider ; ,a two-harse chariot; Cevyei, a general term for carriage, here deDotes especially a chariot drawn by more than two horses, and may be rendered four-horse chariot. 17. ,at the Olyrrqiic game». The ace. (/ or )more frequently follows . See Lex. under wjcoo). 18. ehat . . . dvau Soc- rates was an uncompromising enemy of all seeming^ and often exposes the folly, as well as the baseness of it, since the best way to seem to be good (In whatever excellence), is to he good. Cf. Xen. Mem. l Y. 1. Compare the immortal verse of -^schylus, 592, " : yap ^

37, .] NOTES. 157 ' eu'cU .€. 19. 6 TfKj(pr,s oibev heiTOL, iya> Be Seo/iat, 7S sc. because he is rich, as the victor in a chariot must "be, while I am poor. He here has respect to the above, as in the preceding clause he refers to the eiepyerr). Be is a real l•eneJactr, and he is re^Uy poor. He both deserves and needs to be proTided for in the Prvtaneum. A. 22. . . . aicnrep Trepl rev cIktov ?^ 37 6€9. The reference is to chap, xxiii, where he scorns to resort to snpphcatioES or appeals to compassion, and yet denies that he does this 8€, frojn arrogance. Here he employs the rare word instead of the nsual ucereia. 25. roicvBe, not 5-?/ tW t^at, hnt Sii^h as this; not such as you suj^pose, hat such as I proceed to explain (cf. note, 21. B), i. e.. it is not arrogance but truth and duty that impels me, 26. elvai is stronger than alone. It means, so far as depends on my itill. Cf. G. 268, N. ; H. A. 956, a. 27. sretAa sometimes takes two ace. ^.The perf. has respect to this apology, which he regards as virtnally finished—it was finished so far as the question of guilt or innocence was concerned. 28. uxnrep SXXois . He probably has particular reference to the Lacedemonians, whose laws Socrates, in common wiih most of the philosopliers, highly reverenced, and who, as Thucy- dides and Plutarch inform us, never decided capital trials hastilr. but extended them over several davs. B. 5. ]€. G. 202, 3, b. 6. , some ^/', 74 i. e., any punishnumt. So , anything of this sort. It is gen. of price or penalty, and is accompanied with the dat. of the person () on whom the penalty is as- sessed. The same construction is seen in ov -, et pai>sim. Ad rem. cf. note, SS, B. 7. ] .is interrogative : shall I do it tlirough fear that I may suffer death, when I am so ignorant of death that I do not know whether it is a good or an evil i 9. ,subj. aor. in a deliberative question. It is to be rendered by the future. It is followed by a partitive genitive: shall I choose of those things ichich Il-noic to h' eril. sc. imprisonment, banishment, etc. We have in this sentence another example of that us:ige U

15S NOTES. [37, c. Pnge li which occurs so often in Plato—two constructions condensed into one. The author might have said : tl ev OL^a OTL iariVy or €\ tl a ev ol8a ,or with attraction of the rel., ev ol8a . But instead of either we have parts of both. C. 11. del ), the eter- shifting goTcrn- ment. The Eleven who had charge of the prisons, executions, etc., were chosen annually (one from each of the ten tribes, with a secretary). Socrates implies that it were hardly worth while to live subject to the caprice of such a succession of petty tyrants as might chance to be established from time to time (such is the exact force of aei ])over the public prisons. Cf. note on ael, 25, 0. 12. ^. . and ., 18, 3, . 13. . . . tXcyov, sc. perpetual imprison- ment, because he had no money and therefore would never be released. 15. . . . . Observe the change of voice. The middle voice is used of the accuser and the accused, and the active of the judges. . 20. €, too burdensome. It is fem. as referring to . 21. Be apa, ..., will others, then {or for- sooth), bear them easily ? The clause is an irregular apodosis to € ovreSy ..\. 27. € ^,..., and if on the one hand I do repulse them, they will themselves drive me out of the city, «^ is Attic fut. G. 110, II, 2, N. 1 (b) ; H. A. 424. Page ^ y ^ 75 E. 4. , Etli. Dat., please tell us, is inserted simply to make the discourse more emphatic and subjective. G. 184, 3, 6 ; . . 770. 5. ^^, sc. into exile. 8. ? ^- ,supposing that I ^oTce ironically. 38 A. 12. 6 Se ^..., and that a life without investigation is not worth living, literally, not to be lived. This clause depends on ^' 6, and ave^eTaaTos, contrary to the prevailing usage, is to be taken in an active sense. The active meaning, however, carries with it the passive. 13. ', this on the other hand, di emphasizes the apodosis in the latter of the two supposed cases. M. and T. 57. B. 18. ?€\ ^, as much as I was about to pay, i. e., as much as I should be likely to be able to pay.

38, .] NOTES. 159 ovdep yap implies that he would have considered the T5 loss of property, if he had it, no real loss. This accords with what he had said above (37, B), that he would not amerce himself to the amount of any evil, for he did not deserve it. 19. Se , dut now I can not amerce myself in a sum of money, /or I have not got it. It is usually printed thus : be— , and treated as a case of aposiopesis. But this reading of Cron comes to the same thing. 25. * . Intell. , quod continetur proBcedenti verho . Stallb. 26. €. Cf. note, 20, E. The com- paratively small fine in which Socrates here proposes to amerce himself (only half a talent, or about $500), and the whole strain of his remarks on the subject, prove that he was not in earnest. Accordingly the Apology ascribed to Xenophon denies that he proposed a counter and lower as- sessment, He was not really desirous to preserve his life. He must have foreseen that his Judges would not accept such a substitute for the death penalty, which the accusers had named in their indictment. He must also have known that his freedom of speech, his playful irony, and especially his assumption of entire innocence which merited reward instead of punishment, would provoke the hostility of those judges at least who had already pronounced him guilty, and, as they had to choose between the penalties proposed by the parties, they would certainly choose that of the accusers and put him to death. According to Diogenes Laertius, eighty who had voted for his acquittal now passed over to the majority and voted for his death. Cf. Cic. Orat. 1, 54: Socratis responso sic judices exarserunt, ut capitis hominem innocentissimum condemnarent. Here ends the second part of the Defense. The vote is now taken touching the penalty, and Socrates is condemned to death by an increased majority. He then concludes his speech in a tone of conscious innocence and moral heroism, in which, as Cicero says, he appears, not so much in the attitude of a culprit or a suppliant before his judges, as of their master and lord. Pas C. 1. Ou . . . . The remainder of the life of Socrates (now TO years of age) was so short, that it was

160 NOTES. [38, D. Page 76 hardly worth their wliile to incur so much dishonor for the sake of extinguishing what would soon have terminated in the course of nature. 2. e^cre ,you will have the name and llame^ both here in a bad sense, though often in a good one. For , cf. note, 17, A. D. 15. ,i. e., what Socrates would consider audacity and shamelessness, viz., daring to say and do such things, whether true or false, noble or ignoble, as would disgrace him, while persuading them. Cf. eav ns ,below, 39, . . 20. Tore, sc. while making my defense, before sentence was pronounced. 23. ^, sc. -,having de- P^e fended myself in that way, 39 A. S. . .. ij. G. 218, N. 2 ; H. A. 867. 5. yap, k.tX. Cf. Homer's "Ar?;, II. ix, 505. B. 6. are . . . , as . . . being = inasmuch as I am. . Cf. Od. viii, 329 : €• €. 7. deivoi is the opposite of ^, and o^eis• of . The swifter pursuer, viz., vice, is represented as overtaking the swifter party, viz., the judges who con- demned Socrates; while Socrates himself, tardy with years, is seized upon by the more tardy pursuer, viz., death. 9. ,having incurred sentence of death, ,sc. as judge. Compare Maximus Tyrius (Diss. 9), where he says: Socrates was, indeed, put to death, but the Athenians were condemned, and God and truth was their judge. 10. \ // = having deen convicted of wicTcedness and injustice. 12. e'xeiv, to he suitaUe, i. e., well. 0. 14. TO , the after this, i. e., the sequel, or consequence. 16. , .This idea, that the soul, when about to leave the body, shows its divine nature and prophetic power, was widely prevalent among the ancients. Thus Patroclus predicts the death of Hector (II. xvi, 851 sqq.), and Hector prophesies the death of Achilles (. xxii, 358 sqq.) ; cf. also Phasd. 84, ; Xen. Apol. 30; Cic. de Div. i, 30; Sex. Empir. Math, ix, 20. 19. olav €€ €6€. For the double ace, cf. G. 159, N. 4; H. A.

39, D.] NOTES. IGl T25. 21. SiSofat eXeyxov , from giving proof of I'j your life, i. e., from the necessity of letting your manner of life le put to tlie proof D. 26. €/€ ^, hy putting men to death. 28. ov yap %& . G. 28, 3, . 1 ; . . 480, 3. . 6. , notice the preposition vnep rather than Trept, as if he would defend the conclusion. 6. eV ayov^t, while the magistrates are husy^ and I do not yet come^ whither when I ha^e come^ I must he put to death., i. e., before the Eleven (cf. note, 37, C) are ready to lead me away to prison. A. 12. ri voei, what in the world it means, or what 40 can be its meaning. Of. note, 20, D. S avdpes 8. He has habitually addressed the court hitherto as avBpcs * .The change here is intentional, since that portion of the court whom he now addresses were judges indeed, that is, adminis- trators oijustice. 14. yap pot daipovioVy for the customary prophetic voice of the divinity. Cf. 31, D, note ibid. Schleiertiiacher considers as a gloss, because Plato elsewhere calls the voice itself to ,and where a genitive of source is added to ,, etc., it is not ,but . Stallbaum admits that the combination here is unusual, but does not, for that reason, feel at liberty to depart from the established reading. 16. \ ,even on very trifling occasions, is often placed tiius before the preposition for the sake of em- phasis. 18. ye Tis \ ,which one might certainly suppose to he, and are in fact usually con- sidered. The relative is the object of the first verb and the subject of the second. The former verb is optative, to denote what any one might naturally suppose ; the other is indica- tive, to denote what is in fact the prevailing sentiment. The reader will observe the difference between ' and here implied and habitually observed. B. 27. TovTo ayaehv yeyovivai. In a conversation with Hermogenes, recorded by Xenophon (Mem. iv, 8), Socrates assigns several reasons why, aside from his hopes for another world, he deemed it better for his happiness in this life, and

Pai 162 NOTES. [40, c. Patre IS better for his reputation, that he sliould die then rather than live to a more advanced age. Add to these the considerations touching a future life, which follow in the next chapter of the Apology, and we have the most complete demonstration of his deliberate preference to be condemned rather than to bo acquitted, and thus a justification of the otherwise inexpli- cable manner and spirit of his defense. tT 0. 4. Few passages in the Greek classics have been oftener cited, translated, and commented upon in ancient or modern times, than the chapter on which we now enter. Cf. Plut. Cons, ad Apol. ; Xen. Cjrop. viii, 7, 18 sqq. ; Cic. Tusc. Quasst. i, 41, where it is translated ; also the Christian Fathers, Eusebius, Theodoret, etc., etc. 5. 8 yap ^. Stall- baum remarks, that here we doubtless have the true Socratic doctrine of a future state, whereas the Phsedo and other Dialogues exhibit Plato's views on the subject. Accordingly Xenophon in his Cyropaedia, as above cited, makes Cyrus on his death-bed discourse in exact accordance with the passage before us. 6. oXov ^ elvat, of such a nature as to de noth- ing^ i. e , to be annihilated. So below, D : olov , and : ^. 7. \eyo^eva, according to what is said, i. e., the common opinion. 8. tTj ], dat. for the gen. G. 184, 3 ; H. A. 707. The gen. would represent the subject of the action. 9. . The gen. of the place from which, without a preposition, may follow a verbal noun as well as a verb, ivOevSe, for ,because of the motion expressed by ^.D. 9. ( ^^'. This eire has its correlative in ei ' below. , which is only more emphatic than another etre. Com- pare ovTe . . . ye, 19, E, and note ibid. 10. olov .Cf. Od. xiii, 79, 80 : . . . ?. 12. eyo) introduces a long and involved sentence. The force of the av falls on evpelv several lines below, where it is repeated (cf. notes, 17, D, and 23, B). itself and Scot are also repeated. 18. otl ^, not only a private indi- mdual. H. A. 1035, a. The reader need not be informed that by the great king the Greeks mean the king of Persia, the richest and most powerful sovereign with whom they had

41, .] NOTES. 1^3 Pnce to do in all their early history. The comparison of death to 79 night and sleep has always been, as it is now, common espe- cially with the poets. Of. Hom. II. xiv, 231 ; xvi, 672 ; Od. xiii, 80; Catul. v, 5; llor. Od. i, 28, 15. A. 26. els ", to Pluto's, sc. house or realm. So we 41 omit the word house after the owner's name, and the word church after the name it bears. 1. Mtvs re \ '8, sf nom. by attraction to the relative otnep. JVIinos and Rhada- manthus were brothers (hence closely connected by re )^ both sons of Jove, and celebrated kings, judges, and law- givers, the former in Crete and the latter in the islands of the ^gean. ^acus, who reigned in ^gina, was also a son of Jupiter, and the father of Peleus and Telamon. Triptolemus was the favorite of Demeter, the inventor of the plow and agriculture, and the great hero in the Eleusinian Mysteries. We find Minos represented as performing the oiBce of judge in the lower regions in the Homeric poems (Od. xi, 568 sqq.); Rhadamanthus in Pindar (Olymp. ii, 137 sqq.) ; when ^acus was first added to the number, we do not know. In the Gorgias (523, E) these three are represented as administering justice at the entrances to Tartarus and to the Isles of the Blessed: Rhadamanthus to souls from Asia, ^acus to those from Europe, and Minos, as president judge, to decide in doubt- ful cases. Triptolemus is assigned that ofiice only in this pas- sage, though in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter (153) he sits in judgment on earth. Perhaps he is introduced here to give prominence to the Eleusinian hero, or since others, whose names are not mentioned, are here said to be judges in the lower world, we may perhaps suppose that the common opinion ascribed to Triptolemus and others the same ofiice and occupation there which they held on earth. The con- ception is, however, limited here to those early and just judges and lawgivers whom the imagination of the Greeks had in- vested with the dignity of demigods (eyivovTO iv ). 5. eVt ^ ; Quanti tandem ssstimatis. So Cicero renders it. Tusc. Quasst. i, 41, 98. 7. eVei e/xotye, ..., /or to myself also the converse there would he delightful, where I might converse with -

164 NOTES. [41, . 80 medes and Ajax the son of Telamon. Botb these Grecian heroes had come to a tragical end, the former at the hands of the army, the other by bis own hands, in consequence of un- just decisions brought about by the wiles of Odysseus. The story of Ajax is found in Homer (Od. xi, 541 sqq.) ; that of Palamedes in the Tragic Poets, especially Euripides. B. 10. . . . /? €17. This clause is explanatory of the foregoing, hence it is without a con- nective, and hence also the participle in the dative answering to e/ioiye. 11. 4is in apposition with the following proposition. G. 137, N. 3 ; H. A. 626, b. In this proposition the participle is in the accusative, agreeing with the subject of ?»/, with which ( is again under- stood. . eVi , sc. Agamemnon, to see whether he was really as great, and Odysseus as wise, and Sisyphus as crafty, as the Poet represents them to have been. Hom. 11. iii, 178; Od. ix, 19; II. vi, 153. C. 18. € (, icould de an immense sum 0/ happiness. The genitive is partitive. Or it can be, as Ast supposes, a genitive of specification = in respect of hap- piness. 19. ye eveKa, SC. for conversing with men and examining them — they do not, methinTcs, for this put men to death there, as they do here. 25. h = one thing, viz., tills. The tl first states it indefinitely; then is added to define it. ^ll D. 2. ,to he set free from the dusi- ness and troubles of life. The perfect is used as referring to a completed condition or state, and that conceived, not actual. 4. . The tense in anticipation looks at the result as already reached ; it was letter as conceived, in anticipation by an overruling Providence. E. 9. '€ airep ,i. e., besiege them with warnings and expostulations. \here takes a double accusative, as a rerb of doing ill. G. 165; H. A. 725, a. 12. iav ^ eivai ovTes, if tliey thiiih they are something ichen they are nothing. The same idea is expressed in the same words by Paul, Gal. vi, 8.

CRITO. Page 82 . 1. ^€, at this time of day, that is, at so early an 43 hour, and its corresponding relative and demonstra- tive words, together with their derivatives, have respect, in Attic usage, not to time in general, but to the how of the day, or, figuratively, to the precise day or hour of some event. ov €TL iariv, or is it not still early in the onorning'^. Buttman writes (without the iota subscript); Fischer ; the earlier editions , which Bekker, Ast and Stall- baum shorten into after the authority of the poets and the old grammarians. 2. , certainly it is, is the most common expression of full assent in Plato's Dialogues. Sometimes it stands in construction with a verb, as in Apol. 26, B, but more frequently by itself, as here, ye is also frequent in affirmative answers, cf. Apol. 25, 0. The expresses assent, the pev and ye restriction, and ovv accord- ance = certainly so far (it is) as you say. 4. ^what time of day about, , with words of number, denotes uncertainty, or indefiniteness. 5. ",very early dawn, is simply morning; is the dawn'or rising of the day. adds emphasis, very early. 'We speak of midnight deep, deep night, etc. The Greeks extend the same figure to morning and evening—the former in its earliest, and the latter in its latest stages. 6. ^-.I have said in the Preface, perhaps the same cell, hewn out of the solid rock, near the old Agora, which now bears the name of "the Prison of Socrates." Professor Felton says: "'?m- doiibtedly ; I read the Phiedo there, and when I came to the passage where Crito says, the sun is yet upon the mountains, I stepped to the entrance of the cell, and lo! the shadows

166 NOTES. [43, . P.age 82 covered the valleys, bat the sun still lingered on Mars' Hill, the Acropolis, and Ljcabettus." 7. ,to hearken and hence open the door for admittance, ? gives em- phasis to the expression of surprise : I wonder hoic it Tiap- l^ened that he was willing to admit you, sc. at so very early an hour, as he was not accustomed to open the prison gate very early, of. Phsedo, 59, D. 9. tl \ ^, and he has also heen somewhat oMiged ly me. The augment in this verb is commonly omitted, but no rule can be recognized. 12. 'ETTieiKcos• , a considerahle time since, B. 13. clra ?, then how did it happen^ that, etc., ex- pressive of surprise. 15. ' avros ijeekov, I should not myself prefer to he in so much sleeplessness and sorrow, sc. if I had been at liberty to choose simply for myself; but for your sake I felt constrained not to disturb your quiet slum- bers. This reason is implied here and more fully expressed below: /^? rjycLpov, ? ^. 16. ev /], SC. SO much as I have suffered, while I have been watching your peaceful slumbers, re preceding shows that belongs not only to ,but also to \] = so much both sleeplessness and sorrow. 17. 84 = . So below, cos ^= 8.63'stallb. 1. ]. G. 218; . . 881, a. 2. ,' turn of mind, or manner of life, hence = character, Lat. mores. For the gen., see G. 173, 1 ; H. A. 744. As to the sentiment, compare Xen. Mem. iv, 8, 2. 6. , a man of my age, sc. 70, Apol. 17, D. C. 8. ' ,..., hut not at all does their age set them free from grieving at their present fortune^ literally, as to not grieving, or so as not to grieve. TO is acc. of specification, and does not differ essen- tially from . = ne non, or quo minus. G. 283, 6 and 7 ; H. A. 1034, a. Instead of , was the reading previous to Bekker. 14. 8. Of. note, 18, A. 15. €v . This is one of several ways in which the superlative is strengthened by the Greeks. The origin of the formula is variously explained. In such pas- sages as this, it may be analyzed as Stallbaum does, viz., = ev

43, D.] NOTES. 167 roi? -. In other pas- 83 sages, Tois seems to be neuter, and to be used like a i)ronoun, i. e., iv Tols = iv TovTois. H. A. 652, a. 16. ,SO. €€9 = tIs eariv ayyikia, ^. ,..., or has the vessel arrived, etc. The in such interrogative sentences is restrictive of a more general question, or cor- rective of the foregoing context = but why do I ask? The vessel here mentioned is that in which Theseus returned from Crete, bringing back in safety the seven young men and seven maidens whom the Athenians were obliged to send every year as a tribute to Minos, the Cretan king. Ever after this unexpected deliverance, the same vessel (patched and repaired till its identity became a vexed question for the speculative philosophers) was sent every year in sacred procession to the island of Delos, as a thank-offering to Apollo. And from the moment when the sacred stern was crowned with garlands till its return, it was unlawful to defile the purified city with any public execution. It so happened that the vessel set sail for Delos the very day before the condemnation of Socrates. He thus gained a respite of some thirty days, which he spent in prison, but in free conversation with his friends. See the whole thing explained in full, Phsedo, 58. Cf. also Xen. Mem. IV, 8, 2 ; Plut. Vit. Thes., etc. D. 18. 8<€ . is not unfrequently used, especially after So/cei, , and the like verbs, without the correspond- ing Se expressed, but implying some such clause as ' olda. It may indeed be taken as simply the same with the longer form . Here doKel is employed with that Attic urbanity which avoids positive assertions, even when no doubt is intended, for just below he says: brfkov ovv, on €. Sunium was the southeastern promontory of Attica. 23. . G. 188, 1 ; . A. 776. A formula of prayer or well-wisljing, often used by the Greeks in entering upon any enterprise or at the mention of any anticipated event, equivalent to the Latin, quod bene vertat. The use of it by Socrates in this connection is a striking illustration of his cheerfulness and hopefulness in view of death. A. 27. , I suppose, ni fallor. rj )= 44

1G8 NOTES. [44, . 83 the next day after the shij) may arrive. ^is followed 84 by because it involves a comparative. 1. yi tol , so say, at least, to he sure, those tcho have the disposal of things, sc. tiie Eleven, is emphatic, tliey say so, to he sure, though Crito would fain doubt it and show them to be mis- taken, if he can but persuade Socrates. 2. ,the coming day, i. e., the day about to dawn = to-day. G. 179, 1 ; H. A. 759. 3. iripas, the second day = to-morrow. Socrates means, of course, the same days which Crito above calls Ti'ifxepov and avpiov. 4. Trporepov, a little while ago, of course after midnight ; dreams before midnight the ancients deemed false. 5. KLvhweveis = 8€ in Attic writers. How it came to have that meaning, see explained in Stallb. ad loc, and in the Lexicons. eV tlvl, quite opportunely. B. 9. Kev ,... These are the words of Achilles declaring to Agamemnon his intention to return home to Phthia, and his expectation to arrive there on the third day. Hom. II. ix, 363. Socrates finds in them a beau- tiful accommodation to his own departure to his heavenly home. This dream is not to be set down as a mere fiction of Plato. Besides the general truthfulness and trustworthiness of this dialogue, Socrates was a notorious dreamer of dreams or seer of visions, and a full believer in their divine signifi- cance. Moreover, he was a great reader and admirer of Homer. What, then, could be more natural or probable than that his approaching departure to another world, which he talked of by day and meditated on by night, should pre- sent itself before him in his dreams and clothe itself in the familiar language of the Homeric Poems? 11. ivapyis^ clear, i. e., easy to be understood, ^, = imo vero, nay hut. 12. is used as a form of address, in itseK respectful, and in its own proper signification only respectful, yet sometimes applied in such a connection, and spoken in such a tone of irony or severity, that some lexi- cographers have erroneously concluded that it was in its nature a term of reproach as well as of honor. Compare a> below, and My dear sir, My excellent fel- low. 13. % , yet even now, implies that Crito had

44, c] NOTES. 169 Pape previously plied Socrates with unavailing arguments of tlio 84 same kind. 14. ov , not one merely. 1. ov^e^ia. 15. € . . . ert , desides in the first place sustaining tlio loss of an invaluable friend, I shall in the second place incur the reproach of many. The unusual concurrence of /xeV and bi in the same proposition, sets forth strongly the twofold evil. The correction of Wolf, eareprjaOai for €€ of the MSS. is with good reason adopted in all the recent edi- tions. 16. oideva €. This combination has the same emphasis of negation as ov = such as there is no reason to expect that I shall ever find. G. 257; H. A. 1032. 17. ? olos T€ ere €. The ? belongs with the participle , not, as Buttmann and some others have taken it, with the infinitive , and performs here the oflSce w^hich it usually performs with a participle, viz., of denoting the ground or supposition on which Crito would appear to many to have neglected the preservation of the life of Socrates: as if I was ahle, i. e., supposing that I was alle to save you— a supposition which, in this case, was contrary to the fact, since the inflexible will of Socrates rendered it impossible for Crito to save him. Cf. G. 277, N. 2, a; H. A. 978. C 19. TiS tiv , doKe7vy what repu- tation could be more dishonorable than this—than to be re- puted. Here the comparative is first followed by a genitive, and then by an explanatory clause with fj. It will be ob- served that | and boKUv have the same root. 26. ,just as they may chance to be done, however that may be. H. A. 914, B. D. 28. Se ^ . . by conjecture. But the emendation is not necessary. The passage is ex- plained by Stallbaum, Jacobs, and others, as an example of anacoluthon : Nam Crito quum additurus esset haec : ort , constructione repente mutata, rem multo gravius eloquitur, dicens : re ol .Stallb. 4. el yhp ,. G. 251, 2, . 1 ; . . 871, a. 5. ^sT . . . . The past tense of the indicative here implies that they are not able. G. 216, 3; H. A. 884. 7. ovtc yap ,... The noble sentiment is here implied, that so 15

170 NOTES. [U, . 85 long as the multitude can not alter a man's character for better or worse, all else is of no account. The concluding clause in this chapter, . . . ,means, that the multitude are governed by mere chance and caprice instead of fixed principle. E. 10. € ,you do not, do yOKj feel anxious for me, etc., in form expecting a negative answer, yet implying a suspicion or a fear that he does. G. 282, 2 ; H. A. 1015; cf. also 25, A. 11. ol . The word is well explained in the Lexicon of Liddell and Scott, and the class of men in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities. 12. irpay- ,maJce trouble. Notice here present of con- tinued action; with €,aorists of single act. 13. */ Koi ,..., either to lose even all our property, or at least large sums of money, or even to suffer some additional heavier penalty, such as imprisonment, exile, or death, cf. below, 53, B. 15. ^ ,hid it farewell, that is, dismiss the fear. 45 A. 16. € yap (, cf. . . 944, a. For , cf. note, 44, A. 18. €\ . with the imp. suggests an anticipated unwillingness or objection. 21. . The sentence, interrupted by a long ex- planation, is resumed in € €5, below, , and is there followed by the correlative clause, € b eXeyes. 28. is contemptuous, like the Latin iste, cf. below, 48, C : , and Demosthenes, passim. 24. flTeXels, sc. claiv, how easily they can de bought. Crito knew this from his own experience, cf. Xen. Mem. ii, 9, 1. eV ,for them, sc. to bribe them. B. 25. is made emphatic by its position, ,is ready for your me. is added to express the idea that his property alone is, in his opinion (? ), sufficient. Crito was wealthy, cf. note, 33, D. 27. . Simmias and Cebes were Thebans, cf. Phsed. 59, 0. Notice the omission of the article ; ^evoi are mentioned only as a class, and are then particularized by . If you do not thinJc proper to ^ii^ spend my money^ there are strangers, these. 3. ^,fail, or hesitate, is more frequently followed by a parti-

45, C.J NOTES. 171 cii)le, though sometimes, as here, by an infinitive. IT. . 983 b6 and 986. 4. eXeyes• iv ,cf. Apol. 87, 0, D. 5. TL ^what to do with yourself. G. 188, 2 ; . . 777, a. 6. akXoo-e, by attraction for . G. 153, N. 4 and 3 ; H. A. 1003. C. 10. ovbe b'lKaiov. ovde is emphatic, not even right. 13. €re ^. See the same combination of the opt. with the ind.—of the probable with the actual — Apol. 40, A : civ TLS Koi €.D. 16. (€ . G. 279, 4, . It is an em- phatic form, as if Socrates were in haste to leave his children orphans. Observe the force of the e/c in €4 and €- ,to bring up and educate completely. 16. to P-epos, so far as you are concerned. Orphans at Athens were provided for by the state, and intrusted to the care of the Archon Eponymus. Still they must, of course, be subjected to many inconveniences (cf. Horn. II. xxii, 490) ; and so far as Socrates was concerned, his children would be left to do well or ill, just as they might chance to do. 19. . Al. . 21. is the opposite of ayaOb^ avbpelos. 23. ye drj, especially if one claims. E. 27. e'icrodos rrjs 9, ..., hoth the coming in of the case into court, cf. Demos, adv. Phorm. : els . 28. a>s . Later edit- ors and the best MSS. read thus instead of eiViJX^es•, the reading of Stallbaum. i^6v daekOelv. G. 278, 2 ; H. A. 973. He could have avoided the trial, either by flight and voluntary exile, or by inducing, as he might easily have done, the accusers to withdraw the charges before the trial had commenced, 6 /, ..., the entire management of the case. Socrates did not employ advocates, or resort to any of the ordinary means of influencing the judges. 2. a.y€\. ^ Cornar, with the approval of Schleiermacher, Stallbaum, and others, suggests that there is an allusion in this word to the absurd and ridiculous conclusion of a comedy, which has its three parts, the ?, ?, and ^corre- sponding with the ,/, and ay€ of the Socratic drama, as it is here represented. 3. ba€€vy4vaL doKelv

172 NOTES. [46, . Page . 8 IS epexegetical of reXevrolop : and finally this almost farcical conclusion of the matter^ that it should seem to have slipped out of our hands^ through some sloth and unmanliness of ours. 46 A. 4. ei TL . . , 9 . Cf. note, Apol. 28, B. The force of the perfect is seen not only in ,but also in = to have consulted, to have leen done, 10. advvarov^ ..., impossidle (for us) and no longer practicahle. B. 13. ,K.T.\. For the omission of the copula (eVrtV), cf. H. A. 611. For the sentiment compare the words of Paul to the Galatians, iv, 17: bi iv .17. , ^ ^ . The strongest argument, in other words, the truth as it appears to his mind after careful consideration, is here beautifully represented by Socrates as his best friend, and the only one to whom he yields a controlling influence. See Lex., epos, II, 2. 0. 24. limits ,as it is construed by Stallbaum ; not €€, as it is construed by Buttmann. 26. €(9 . Observe the force of the plural. All these in their worst forms and degrees are mere bugbears to frighten children—such is the spirit of the passage. See Gorgias, 473, D, where to Polus' fearful array of punishments, the rack, castration, crucifixion, covering with pitch and burn- ing alive, Socrates repUes: \€, You are bringing up bugbears, not proofs. Compare Paul's emphatic enumera- tion of his sufferings, 2 Cor. xi, 23 : eV ,iv -^, iv \, iv . 27. €^. Cf. note, Apol. 39, B. This question, in many editions, is put into the mouth of Crito. But it seems more appropriate to Socrates, who, in the next sentence, answers himself, as he often does. eT 1. \€, resume for further consideration. 2. ,? every instance, sc. when we were discussing the subject in our frequent former conversations. Hence the imp. iXiyeTo here and below repeatedly. D. 3. governs delv. 4. is for ^,being attracted by ?, apa =forsooth, as it seems. H. A. 1048, 1, and note, Apol. 34, B. = temere, without reason. 8. €, sc. in danger of losing my life. 10.

46, .] NOTES. 173 Page \iy€iv, to say something^ sc. to some purpose, of some import- 88 ance, cf. Xen. Mem. ii, 1, 12. E. 14. ye ,in all human prohaHUty. 27. is explained below by .. 27. ,such things as these. 28. -47 , practicing this, maJoing a business of it. Cf. Herod, vi, 125 : €8T€ ^, So ,below. 'We see here Socrates' fondness for illustrations drawn from „Page the common pursuits of life. 10. \ eSeareoz/ ye, yes, and 89 eat and drink, ye = yes. So viels ye, Apol. 34, D, might be rendered, yes, and sons. The eating and drinking here come within the province of the , as the gymnastic ex- ercises come under the direction of the .D. 1. \ . These verbs are often 90 followed, as they are here, by an accusative of the person hefore whom one must be ashamed and afraid, especially to do anything dishonorable or wrong. 3. eyiyj/ero . . . -\. The imperfect has reference to what was said in former discussions, cf. €€ above, and below : iX4y€To. . . 833 ; . and . 11, . 6. . 8. €€ } ', hy obeying not the opinion of the wise; but of the unwise, is implied in the antithesis by the position of . Of. Xen. Mem. iii, 9, 6 : a aide = not what he Icnows, but what he does not know. 16. . . . ,which the unjust injures. The editions before Bekker changed to o. But the MSS. have , and may be followed either by the accusa- tive or the dative. 17. ^avXorepov = cheaper, less valuable, the opposite of €, below. A. 24. . . . . for , cf. G. 282, 1 ; ". . 1011 ; 48 For the two ace. cf. G. 165 ; H. A. 725, a. 1. ^ = . ^gf . 5. ovTos re 6 \oyos, ..., is correlative to \ roi/Se av 6€. To the suggestion, that the multitude have power to put him to death, Socrates has a twofold answer: in the first place, that does not invalidate the argument which we have gone through with, nor make it any less conclusive, or in any way different from what it was, before his life was endangered ; and in the second place, he says, consider also,

17J: NOTES. [48, c. Page 91 wliether this doctrine^ once admitted by us, abides or not, that we must not set the highest value on mere living, dut on living well. 11. To Se eu, .. And does it still remain true that to live well is the same thing as to live honorably and justly^ or does it not remain true? irporepov, aforetime, i. e., in former discussions. "* 0. 18. aKeyjreis. G. 154; . A. 995. -, 44, , seqq. ; , 45, , seqq. ; , 45, , D. 19. , SC. . G. 218, ". 2; . . 867. 6 is ex- pressed below, 49, D. 20. , lightly, rashly. 21. , yes, and would restore them to life again. For the force of av with the participle, cf. G. 211 ; H. A. 987, b. 22. is added to express contempt, and, in connection with , it implies, that it is char- acteristic of the multitude to act thus without reason. 6 Xoyos , the argument so establishes the point. This use of arises from its use to express a victory at the games, or a conviction in a court of justice. Cf. ratio vincit, Hor. Sat. i, 3, 115, et al. alpel, see Lex. A, 5. 24. TeXovvres . . . \ . Zeugma, Tekovvres being strictly applicable only to ,and ayovres being required with . 25. \ , ..., and whether we shall do right ourselves both in leading out of prison, and in being led out. T). 28. ov , ..., we must not consider the ques- tion, whether we must die, if we remain in prison and Tcecp quiet, nor whether we must suffer anything else, hoioever dreadful, rather than do wrong, i. e., we must not take the consequences into the account at all, but only the question of right and wrong. Before ov, there is an ellipsis of a verb of seeing, or fearing, and the meaning is, I fear, that we must not take into account, etc. G. 218, N". 2; H. A. 867. Page ' ' . 92 E. 9. a>s € Trepl ttoWov, ..., as I esteem it of great importance to do this with your consent. 11. iav. H. A. 1016, c; M. and T. 71, ". 1. , to your satisfac- tion. 49 A. 14. elvai = .G. 281, 2; . . 991, a. 20. . . . , and so for a time zee, men of such advanced years.

49, .] NOTES. 175 Page . 22. TvavTos , ov rather. The repeated and 92 pressing questions mark the reluctance of Crito to accept the conclusion. 25. /?, yet^ i. e., whatever may be the con- ^^ ^ sequences. 26. oV, turns out to be. 3. ? ol 93 oLovrai. The general sentiment of antiquity not only justified but required retaliation, as just and manly, cf. Meno. cap. iii : avbpos , -, tovs , ' . Eurip. Fragm. : 86 . Xen. Mem. ii, 6, 35. A similar view is also taken in Plato's Eepublic, B. I. But Socrates in the Gorgias, 469, A, insists that it is far better to suffer wrong than to do wrong. 0. 5. ,it appears not, that is, it is clear from the argument that we must in no case do an injury. 15. ' ,..., not even if lie suffer anything Itowever severe by them. 21. ,whether you hold these opinions in common with me, and thinlc as I do. D. 16. ,admitting to your detriment. So L. and S. But perhaps differs from only in emphasis or extent = in admitting all this. 25. ,the premise ov first principle of the argument, sc. that it is never right to do an injury, etc. To , as the premise, stands opposed as the conclusion. ij|« A. 7. ^, in going out hence, sc. from prison, 50 This clause is to be connected, not only with ,but also with ,whether in going out hence . . . we ahide by what we have admitted to be right. 12. ." One might almost think that Crito will not understand because he dreads the repugnant conclusion." Cron. 14. ', used of stealthy flight, and so especially of slaves. 15. ,the commonwealth. So Cic. in Yerr. ii, 46, 114; a communi Sicili^. For an imitation of this personifying of the state, see also Cic. in Cat. i, 7, 18. 17. = nonne, do you not. G. 282, 3 ; H. A. 1015, b. B. 20. ,he immediately and utterly sub- verted. For this force of the perfect, cf. H. A. 849, a. al , the judgments that have been rendered. 24. . . . ; in behalf of this law which is threat-

176 NOTES. [50, c. ened with destruction. The present participle, as often, de- notes expectation or apprehension. Cf. M. and T. 10, 1, N. r. C. 26. oTi € . The in direct quotations is pleonastic. The refers to an implied clause: we do right to escape, for the state did us an injustice, sc. when it 95 pronounced sentence against us. 6. ipwrav re -€. The reader will recognize here an allusion to the well-known metliod of discussion, which was so characteristic of Socrates as to be called " the Socratic method." D. 8. . The second question, which answers to this as the first, is found in Toh Trepl ,..., and is introduced with instead of '^, in consequence of the intervening question, ^, ... 9. ^, imperfect to denote the process through which the wife was obtained. The editions previous to Buttmaun had €\€. 12. ^/, participle. 16. ev \ ,i. e., in physical and mental education, cf. Repub. 876, : [] iiri , eVi .The former comprehended the whole exercise and training of the body, in which the Greeks so excelled ; the latter the entire discipline and culture of the mind, or, as the word denotes, the department of the muses. The prominence which the Greeks gave to the cultivation of the taste and the emotions, helps to explain the name by which they called this department of education. Some writers add a third department, viz., ,letters, or primary education. Cf. Smith's Die. of Antiqq., Gymnasium. Aristotle, in his Politics, viii, 2, makes four departments, adding to letters, gymnastics, and music, the department of drawing and paint- ing, .. 19. hoiiXos. Cf. Cic. pro Cluentio, 53 : Legum omnes servi sumus, ut liberi esse possimus. 23. irpbs apa 4. The unusual position of (hyperbaton) is ex- plained by the fondness of the Greeks for bringing contrasted Page words into juxtaposition, is dat. after e| .51 A. 28. apa. Cf. note, 46, D. 2. , ..., is an emphatic repetition of ^ ,etc., above.

51, c] NOTES. 177 4. 5 ^^is ironical. 7. . «6 We insert the article, contrary to onr former reading. It seems necessary to mark the particular fatherland of any in- dividual. 0. 18. depends on Set, implied in .. 1. €€, ly Jiamng given liberty. Ml 2. 8,when he has been examined and approved, i. e., admitted to the rank of a citizen, al. ^. 4.. i^elvai depends on ^^.. 12. -^' denotes a " tacit comjMct,^'' but one of a very different kind from that fiction, in which some political philosophers of modern times find the origin of society and government. A. 17. , SC. ^^ , - 52 tliough we refer it to your choice^ i. e., lay it before you for consideration, the allusion being to the peculiar rights and privileges of an Athenian citizen in canvassing laws when they are proposed, and moving for their repeal afterward, if they are found to be oppressive. The style is inten- tionally repetitious in imitation of the style of conversation. 21. ive^eaOat = will be implicated in, or obnoxious to. So evoxos = obnoxious, cf. Xen. Mem. i, 1, 64: ovv €' Trj . 22. ev 9 . Cf. note, 43, C: iv Tols .. 1. ?, pre-eminently above. 2. ^, a 93 spectacle^ such as the games and religious festivals. As these were attended by the leading men from all Greece, the non- attendance of Socrates, with the single exception of going once to the Isthmian games, might well be remarked as an indication of singular satisfaction with Athens. 4. -€6€9. Cf. iv iv ^ eVi ,Apol. 28, , and note, ibid. G. first governs ?and in the gen., and then is followed by the infin. elhivai, with which is to be understood a pronoun in the ace, referring to those genitives, a desire of another city or other laws—to hiiow them ; classed by Cron as a case of prolepsis. H. A. 878. 0. 9. T€ « Kaiy besides all the rest, sc. of your

Pa 178 NOTES. [52, . Pape as acts, which prove your preference for Athens. Cf. note on re . . . , Apol. 36, A. 11. . Cf. note, Apol. 37, C. 16. ^, respect, lit., feel ashamed before. eWpeVei, regard^ lit., turn yourself toward. E. 26. " ^ , do you not then^ they uould say, v^oL•te, etc., lit., do you do anything else than violate. The au would regularly follow ; but when two clauses are incorporated in one (especially Avith or €), the particle is often attracted out of its place, cf. 99" Hermann on the particle civ. 1. eV ereaiv ^. Cf. Apol. 17, D. 4. ovT€ . . . ovre . These states were often cited as models of law and order by Plato and other political philosophers of the day, cf. Repub. 544, C ; Legg. 634. drj = scilicet, = quotiescunque de lis loqueris. Stallb. 63 A. 11. iav ye . Sub. ' ^.. 21. , to the polity of these men, instead of these states, as if ,instead of ,had preceded. Examples of this figure (synesis) are frequent in Plato. 24. toIs ,..., that is, will con- firm others in an opinion favorable to the judges, so that they will be regarded as having decided the case right. 28. Tas ^. . . ,the cities that have laws, and the men who have the most regard for law im and order. 3. 6yovs, what discourses, Socrates? such forsooth as you utter here, that, etc. is strictly or., and is understood after it. 5. av . Cf. note OR av . . . ,Apol. 29, C. D. 7. ,you will depart, ht., carry away, remove. P. yap . . . . The Thessalians were infamous for their social and pohtical vices. Cf. Demos. 01. i, 22 : yap ( ) \ ^; and Athen^ns, vi, 260, : \ , and maiiy other passages from different authors. 11. ,a cloah or vrapper sufiicient to cover the whole body, as is implied in . The word is often used of robes or costumes for the stage.

53, .] NOTES, 19 is a dress of sJcins, worn bj rustics, and lience pecu- loo liarly fit for a disguise. 13. is also referred to the dress by Stallbaum, but it is better to take it in the more general sense of gait, or personal appearance, as the Latin habitus also is often used. E. 16. , , ..., perhaps not, if you do not offend any one; lut if otherwise, i. e., if you do offend any one, you will hear, etc. 18. €€9 «, ..., so you will pass your life in fawning upon everybody and being their humble servant—doing what, but feasting in Thessaly, having gone abroad for an entertainment, forsooth, into Thessaly. The irony, which runs through the whole, is made more pungent by the contemptuous repetition of Thessaly. 22. '^ what will become of them —where shall we find them? G. 184, 3, N. 6 ; H. A. 770. A. 22. // = at enim, at inquies. Stallb. 24. 54 §e; why, pray? A question of surprise. 26. is, of course, ironical, as it often is taken in a bad sense. € , or not this indeed, sc. noirjaeis, i. e., you will not take your sons to Thessaly. , here, in Athens. 27. 4\ ^,fut. mid. in the sense of fut. pass. G. 199, 3, N. 4 ; H. A. 496. Paee B. 10. € yap evSade . . . ovre €€€, neither here in loi this life . . . nor when you come thither, into another world. These two clauses beginning with ovre are correlative to each other, while those beginning with are only emphatic additions to the former. . 25. oi €,those who celebrate the rites of the Oorybantes in the worship of Cybele in Phrygia. As these rites were accompanied with noisy music and wild dancing, the Corybantes were an expressive figure of per- sons so inspired and possessed with certain ideas or feelings, as to be incapable of seeing or hearing anything else. In the case of Socrates, it is the voice of the Laws, in other words, the voice of God, that so rings in his ear and pos- sesses his soul. The passage is one of singular beauty. The Laws stand before him personified, embodied, clothed with more than human authority. They reason with him. They

180 NOTES. [54, D. expostulate with him on the folly and wickedness of the course which his friends are pressing upon him. They draw nearer and nearer to him, and speak in more earnest and commanding tones, till at length he can see and hear nothing else, and puts an end to the fruitless arguments and entreaties of his friends in those words of humhle yet suhlime piety: It is the voice of God—let us obey. THE END.

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